Notes on university life

Copying the guilds, which had developed special “livery” robes for their members to wear on parade, lecturers and masters (graduates) began to wear a uniform robe and hat based on the fashion of the times. Many lecturers were monks, so their robes were variants of their order (Dominican and Franciscan usually). Physicians wore special hats in the medieval period, which influenced these outfits too. By the end of the period, Doctors of Theology wore black robes and hats at the University of Paris—our model for the graduation cap and gown. But Doctors of Law in Italy wore red robes edged with fur–take that!

University students did not believe they were under the laws and charter of the town and tended to break its laws flagrantly. They gambled and drank, partied and rioted. In 1355, students rioted in Oxford; several students and townies died, and some colleges went up in flames.

The standard mode of teaching was the formal debate. The professor would propound a question, such as, “Whether lightning be fire that comes down from the clouds?” and a student would begin the response with “principal arguments” to the affirmative. Next, other students or the teacher would pose contradictory arguments. Without real scientific facts, they based arguments on philosophers such as Aristotle. It was a chance to show off logic, rhetoric and reading depth.

Textbooks were copied by hand, but copying industries grew up around universities. It was a type of home-based work that the few educated women could do, and while expensive parchment was used for much of the Middle Ages, in the later times, the new paper industry made short books affordable. It was probably also a line of work for university dropouts or men who had been novices in a monastery without taking the vows.

Textbooks were typically short sections of a longer work, easy to carry to class. They were unlike the famous illustrated manuscripts and much more like modern books. Wide margins provided space to take notes; texts were carefully paragraphed and some red letters (“rubrics”) helped to organize the text visually. As an innovation to help students read at a glance, words had spaces and more attention was paid to punctuation. If you look at typical medieval Bibles, you’ll see just how little they cared about space and readability there.

If you were a student who needed the works of Aristotle for lectures, you would never buy a “collected works” volume as we do. Each work, or each major section of a work, would be bound by itself. Textbook shops in university towns sold these short, practical folios, but they also rented copies. Students who bought paper could rent a book and copy their own, for a small savings.

 

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Living at a college

“Colleges” as divisions within the university came about as students faced problems in getting good housing. Students could arrive for university studies as young as 14 or 15.

Medieval rich people often donated money at death to found some kind of ongoing work that would promise to pray for their souls. Monasteries and chapels were the most obvious targets, but some began endowing boarding houses for university students. Theology was always a portion of the first four years’ study, even if students went on to law or medicine, so it was presumed that these young men would be a very good prayer cohort. The founder might specify that his own descendants be preferred, or he might specify a certain number of students who could not pay their own way. At the Sorbonne, the first college was a boarding house for poor theology students at the University of Paris (which offered only theology).

When Chaucer described a student at Oxford, he included the fact that this scholar was under constant obligation to pray for his benefactors. https://chaucer.fas.harvard.edu/pages/general-prologue-0

A CLERK ther was of Oxenford also,
                 There was also a CLERK (scholar) from Oxford,
286         That unto logyk hadde longe ygo.
                 Who long before had begun the study of logic.
287         As leene was his hors as is a rake,
                 His horse was as lean as is a rake,
288         And he nas nat right fat, I undertake,
                 And he was not very fat, I affirm,
289         But looked holwe, and therto sobrely.
                 But looked emaciated, and moreover abstemious.
290         Ful thredbare was his overeste courtepy,
                 His short overcoat was very threadbare,
291         For he hadde geten hym yet no benefice,
                 For he had not yet obtained an ecclesiastical living,
292         Ne was so worldly for to have office.
                 Nor was he worldly enough to take secular employment.
293         For hym was levere have at his beddes heed
                 For he would rather have at the head of his bed
294         Twenty bookes, clad in blak or reed,
                 Twenty books, bound in black or red,
295         Of Aristotle and his philosophie
                 Of Aristotle and his philosophy
296         Than robes riche, or fithele, or gay sautrie.
                 Than rich robes, or a fiddle, or an elegant psaltery.
297         But al be that he was a philosophre,
                 But even though he was a philosopher,
298         Yet hadde he but litel gold in cofre;
                 Nevertheless he had but little gold in his strongbox;
299         But al that he myghte of his freendes hente,
                 But all that he could get from his friends,
300         On bookes and on lernynge he it spente,
                 He spent on books and on learning,
301         And bisily gan for the soules preye
                 And diligently did pray for the souls
302         Of hem that yaf hym wherwith to scoleye.
                 Of those who gave him the wherewithal to attend the schools.
303         Of studie took he moost cure and moost heede.
                 He took most care and paid most heed to study.
304         Noght o word spak he moore than was neede,
                 He spoke not one word more than was needed,
305         And that was seyd in forme and reverence,
                 And that was said with due formality and respect,
306         And short and quyk and ful of hy sentence;
                 And short and lively and full of elevated content;
307         Sownynge in moral vertu was his speche,
                 His speech was consonant with moral virtue,
308         And gladly wolde he lerne and gladly teche.
                 And gladly would he learn and gladly teach.

Endowing a college meant setting up a house with some basic staff: cook and laundress. Then someone had to oversee the selection of residents and make sure they prayed for the founder, so colleges also needed manciples or deans. Students who lived in colleges were better behaved, compared to the students who lived in town and were constantly disorderly. College manciples could evict residents who did not follow rules like chapel attendance and curfew. Universities became more respectable places as the college system developed. By the late Middle Ages, some colleges charged living fees, but many students were still taken on full or partial scholarship. The poorest might have to help serve dinner, but they still had the respect of wealthier boys since they had won their places by competition.

Colleges proliferated and grew into communities of more than a boarding house. To help its students, a college built up a library of common textbooks. Then, to help them more, in addition to their attending university-contracted lectures, a college’s residents could work with tutors hired by the college itself. These tutors lived and taught right there on site.

Before the college housing system, universities had no real buildings. The colleges that grew up around them became the first campuses and gave the university brick and mortar solidity. Colleges also promoted the ideal of a scholarly community. Students who lived in other rooms sometimes became petty thieves, in addition to rioting and setting fires. Colleges turned it around; they provided quiet study halls, libraries, tutors, and common dining as we expect today.

I don’t suppose most of them still pray for the founders’ souls, but let’s hope that those generous souls made it out of purgatory long ago.

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Beginning university

Very few medieval schoolboys were destined to continue to university, but some did. University was preparation for only a few careers: professor, lawyer, doctor, theologian, or dropout. Dropouts tended to become private tutors and secretaries, stand-up comedians on a jongleur circuit, or magicians and alchemists. These last were rare, but the dropout’s knowledge of university subjects is what gave us the movie trope of reading Latin backwards to summon demons.

It’s worth remembering that university professors, church (Canon Law) lawyers, and theologians were traditionally unmarried. The university path did not lead to the church steps. In the story of Peter Abelard and his student Heloise, it only makes sense if we understand that Abelard’s career at the University of Paris depended on his remaining single. Heloise begged him not to marry her, and when he did marry her, her uncle strongly suspected that it was part of a plan to shuffle her off somewhere and continue his career. We wonder why he didn’t just rent a small house and settle in with a wife, and keep lecturing. But to be a university lecturer, a man had to be at least a Canon, the lowest and most secular office of the Church — but still, within the Church.

The first university was specifically for law, at Bologna. Paris and Oxford began next, as theology schools run by the church. Salerno, Italy had an independent medical school, but at Milan and Pisa, medicine was included in a larger university. By the 1300s, most cities had a university.

The entrance exam for university was a challenging test of ability with Latin. Europe continued to pretend, for a long time, that Latin was its real language and that its native tongues were just unlettered vulgar degradations of Latin. University subjects were “advanced” mainly because they were taught in spoken Latin. One of the boundary markers between “medieval” and “early modern” is the switch away from Latin’s use in all books, lectures, note-taking and exams.

The early university was, at base, a small staff surrounding the Bedellus (dean), who undertook to give a challenging graduation examination in logic, rhetoric, music, astronomy, arithmetic and geometry. Students contracted privately with lecturers who could help prepare them for these exams. Lecturers with high success rates drew more students. Students and scholars organized into associations (universitates) for enforcing contract terms so really, collective bargaining created the “university.”

Students held all of the power in the medieval university. They hired and fired lecturers at will. They forced them to start (and end) lectures on time — or pay fines. Lecturers were fined for being absent or for skipping some of the curriculum. Lecturers used their bargaining power with students only to get standardized fees.

In the next few entries, I’ll cover the development of the university into something that looks like what we know today. It’s important to understand that at the start, it was merely a cluster of students who lived in rented rooms and hired lecturers to prepare them for exit exams. Hiring the lecture hall may have been up to the lecturers or the students. The university collected a nominal fee from its students until graduation. As an institution, its power consisted only of granting the diploma, so that’s when the punishingly high fees kicked in. This is why there were so many dropouts. A poor young man could afford to attend lectures, but he couldn’t afford to graduate.

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Entering a guild

Boys entered the world of men most often by passing exams to become full guild members in their craft. They had spent their apprentice years serving in the shop, first with menial chores, and gradually with more skilled work. In some cases, as in the building trades, they had been hired on work crews at a fraction of the adult pay rate. In other cases, the guild had required them to take a final journeyman year and work in another city, to broaden knowledge of the trade in other places and form useful social ties.

Entering the guild at last was done by an examination that, to us, seems a bit like some of our reality shows. “Iron Chef,” for example, could serve well as a competition for membership in the cooks’ guild, as could “Cake Boss.”

Each guild had a sense of what mattered most in their craft, and they set a challenge. Bakers had to make a certain number of difficult, fancy breads within a set time. Goldsmiths made intricate jewelry. Masons, who were both stonecutters and architects, had to demonstrate that they could make arches, foundations, pillars and walls. Free masons carved sculptures like gargoyles or intricate fan-like supports for the ceiling.

The difficulty of the test went up a lot when the guild felt that their profession was full already. Cities that needed more craftsmen could keep their test easier; doubtless, word got around about how difficult or easy it was to join a city’s guild. Examination pieces must have been shown in the guild hall for a time. It was very difficult to become an armorer in Milan; not so hard to become a saddler in Stockholm.

Once a guild member, the young man may have continued working in the same shop, or he may have used a marriage alliance to join another man’s shop. Although girls were free to marry anyone, they tended to stay within the family profession most of the time. It was an advantage to find a wife who was already used to the hours, smells or dirt of a profession by having grown up around it. In some other cases, inheriting a small legacy at the right time would have allowed young men to start their own shops.

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Planning for an average wedding

It’s the late 13th century and you’re a prosperous cooper in a mid-sized town in Flanders. Your daughter, age 17, is getting married in the spring, and you need to put on a feast for 100. You live in/above your shop; the largest room seats about 8.

You’ll have to rent a hall, since the weather is still iffy a week after Easter. (Of course, you can’t put on a wedding feast during Lent, since it’s a fast season by definition.) The church has a smallish hall, and the Coopers’ Guild hall is bigger, seats about 50. You think very hard about the Guild hall and try to imagine cramming more people on benches, but it just won’t work. Fortunately, the Coopers have an agreement with the larger Blacksmiths that guild members can rent the Blacksmiths hall for a small fee, if no blacksmiths need it that day. By shifting the day from Tuesday to Wednesday, you’ll be able to get the larger hall, so that’s settled.

The hall has an outdoor kitchen shed with a few cauldrons and skillets. Since you’re a cooper, you won’t have any problems getting any wooden containers your cooks might need, like barrels, buckets and tubs. But you’ve decided to hire a cookshop to cater the meat pies, and it turns out that they also rent kitchen equipment for feasts. The cookshop can help hire a few cook assistants, too. They promised that these guys will show up with clean hands, but you’ll make sure that a stout bucket with soap and water is standing by. Some of these hired day workers can be filthy and even sick.

As the day approaches, two bakers agree to supply you with trencher loaves two days in advance. The loaves will have time to dry up and harden, so that their slices will make good plates. A poor man who sweeps the baker’s shop for a small loaf hears these plans, and he will spread word among his friends so that they can be first in line to get the used trenchers. Trencher bread isn’t prime stuff; it’s made from flour that has any old weed mixed in. But once it’s soaked up a lot of meat sauce, it’s the best thing the beggars will get for a few days. The saucer lets you know that cinnamon and pepper have both dropped in price lately and you will be able to afford a spiced sauce for the meat.

So the staff at the guildhall, overseen by the cookshop and your wife, will stew mutton and pork in light brown sauce, and they’ll also make frumenty, which is like rice pudding made with Cream of Wheat cereal. You want the feast to have three courses, since this is your only daughter and you want it done right. Each course will be the same type of array of meats and side dishes; the fashion for separating courses into different types of food hasn’t arrived yet. Now all that’s left is to get the alewives to brew extra pots of ale and fill up some of your barrels the day before. A barrel of wine will arrive from the local vintner who was late on barrel payments, too.

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A wedding in Italy

Weddings in medieval Italy were a little bit different.

The betrothal was a much bigger deal in Italy than in Northern Europe. The bride’s family prepared a lavish feast at their home. The bride’s male relatives met the groom and his family at a notary’s office, and they signed the betrothal agreements (detailing dower and dowry). Then they went back to the bride’s home for the feast. Since medieval Italian girls were sheltered at home more than French or English girls, it may have been the first time the groom got to meet her.

Italian merchants and nobility tended to live in family compounds in the city. The extended family owned all of the buildings in a square of city blocks. Houses as high as four stories surrounded an inner courtyard, and many of the upper stories had balconies or walkways facing the courtyard. The compound generally had its own well and chapel. With servants to go to the market, ladies in the compound rarely had reason to leave it.

Italian brides were probably on average a bit younger than brides in the north, and this may be why Italian betrothals tended to be long. As long as a year might pass before they held a wedding ceremony. This ceremony was much more involved than the simple wedding of the north.

It began with Ring Day. The groom’s family arrived with a gold ring, and wedding guests gathered to witness the vows. As in other medieval weddings, the vows were made in a public place, usually outdoors. The church steps may have been the place of choice, or some other public square, or just outside the family’s house. Notaries could conduct the entire ceremony, asking the questions and hearing the vows. Priests could be involved, but they did not have to be. After the vows, the families had another lavish feast at the bride’s house. The families gave each other impressive gifts. The bride’s trousseau was sent to the groom’s house, but she didn’t go anywhere.

Even in middle-class Italian neighborhoods, the wedding feast became a really big deal. For families that did not have courtyards, the street outside the house would have to suffice. This outdoor space was turned into a royal hall for the occasion. By the end of the Middle Ages, Italian cities were trying to limit the conspicuous consumption with “sumptuary laws” that forbade people below a certain rank from using various fabrics or furs. But never mind that: if possible, the bride was dressed in pure gold.

Most families could never afford cloth of gold, so they borrowed or rented the dresses. They could also rent tapestries to hang over balconies, turning the street into a feast hall. They could rent sculptures, vases, paintings, and draperies. Hired musicians showed up, and lanterns kept the “hall” going well into the night. Guests ate, drank and danced.

The next day, the families sent gifts to each other, and maybe the groom’s side gave a feast. After at least one day of feasting, maybe more, the bride’s family set out at night, with torches, to her new home. She rode a white horse. In Rome, they always stopped at the church for Mass on the way. At last, with pomp and circumstance, the girl was married and moved. And then they had another feast, and maybe another.

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With this ring, I thee wed!

The medieval wedding ceremony itself was very simple.

First, the priest had to ask his legal questions. Were they both of age? (Legal marriage age varied with place and time.) Were they legally free to marry–that is, was either already married, or were they within the forbidden degree of relationship? Were they both freely consenting to this union? When the priest was satisfied with the answers, the key moment in the ceremony was when he joined their hands.

The wedding vow of late medieval England ran like this: “I take thee, Joan/Thomas, to my wedded wife/husband, to have and to hold from this day forward, for better and for worse, for richer and poorer, in sickness and in health, till death us depart, if Holy Church will ordain, and thereto I plight thee my troth.”

The priest blessed the ring; only the bride got a gold ring. Then the groom slipped the ring loosely onto her thumb, saying, “In the name of the Father,” and then he moved it to her index finger, “and the Son,” then the ring moved to her second finger, “and the Holy Ghost,” and finally he moved it to her third finger to say, “with this ring I thee wed.” If you ever wondered why that’s the ring finger…well now you know.

The couple’s first act as man and wife was  to give alms to the poor. The poor hung around church doors and in markets. They looked for happy events when people were feeling blessed and would have more pity on a cripple. A man getting married must make sure not only that he was clean and dressed neatly, and hadn’t lost the gold ring, but also that he had his pockets full of small change. Walking down from the church steps, heading toward the feast, he stopped to give to lepers, almsmen, cripples and other beggars. It was a time for generosity to all and gratitude to Heaven.

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Wedding on the church steps

The simplest medieval wedding was the informal private marriage, but it was not recommended. All that was truly required was that the couple must say to each other “I take you as my wife” and “I take you as my husband” with some witnesses present. A few men found themselves married without realizing it—but this was a dangerous way of proceeding, especially for the girl. It would be all too easy to repudiate a marriage like this. However, if witnesses vouched for its having happened in their hearing, courts upheld even a marriage like that.

The safe way was to have a public wedding immediately after the proclamation of the banns for two Sundays. (In fact — hold it on Monday, in case hostile witnesses might turn up on Tuesday.) The usual wedding venue was the church’s outdoor front steps. Churches were generally built in a central location for the population. Even small, ancient buildings that seem lost now were once near a crossroads or village settlement. In towns, churches often fronted the market square. No other place could compare in public visibility.

Wealthy families might well pay for a private wedding Mass after the ceremony, or poorer families might schedule the ceremony for just before a regularly-scheduled Mass, but the ceremony itself still took place outside on the steps. Big churches had sheltered porches, since the doors tended to be built into a series of weight-bearing arches. The intentional witnesses to the ceremony could crowd onto the lower stairs or stand in the street, and every passer-by became an accidental witness.

The bride wore her best dress, and if she could, it was a new dress made for the occasion. It was never white; that was a much later fashion. Color implied wealth, so her dress was more likely to be red, blue or green; if she was in a wealthy Italian family, it was “cloth of gold.” In Italy, where wedding display came to mean a great deal, the dress might even be rented. But for the rest of Europe and most people, the dress was simply the bride’s most presentable garment. If she married in winter, clearly she needed a warm cloak, fur-trimmed if possible. The groom, likewise, was dressed in his best clothes for the weather.

They met by appointment at the church, at noon or at the third hour, or in later centuries, they might even meet by an appointed clock time. All through the 1300s, towns were installing mechanical clocks, beginning with the big cities like Paris, Milan and Strasbourg. By 1400, at least half of medieval brides could choose to marry by a numbered clock hour.

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Will you marry me?

In medieval Europe, they believed in men and women choosing freely whom to marry. Among the royalty and aristocracy, since marriage was connected to property and government, marriages were basically arranged. But for the rest of medieval European society, marriages were chosen and freely consented to.

Families were still at the heart of the matter; they made alliances with each other, and property was still at stake. Families did the main choosing, and marrying “to disoblige one’s family” was not much done. In fact, since most wealth was still derived from things, mainly stationary things, not portable property or cash, it wasn’t easy to do it. So girls were asked to consent, and usually they did consent.

To put it another way, they always consented. There are many reasons to consent. Some girls consented to marriage after being locked in their rooms for six months. Some girls consented to marrying their father’s creditor to save the family farm. Some men consented to marry a girl, on threat of being fired and blackballed from further work in their trade if they didn’t (what we might call a “crossbow wedding”).

But unlike societies that considered it unseemly for a girl to meet her husband before the wedding, medieval Europe believed in courtship. In courtship, the man brought the girl gifts and tried to make himself likable. Even before the 14th century’s fashion of romantic love, they considered it a very good thing if the couple actually liked each other. They believed in love, even if it was a practical daily kind of love.

By the late Middle Ages, the diaspora-scattering of Provencal troubadours informed wealthy young ladies that love was only real if it carried no obligation. Although the songs praised adultery, the main popular effect was to raise expectations about courtship.

Marriage was a formal, official financial contract. Promising to marry someone needed to be formal and it was often notarized. This was especially true in Italy, where Roman notary customs had continued almost without interruption. In the later centuries of the Middle Ages (1200+), the Italian custom of notarization became more popular, along with using a name signature instead of a seal.

But verbal agreements to marry were binding, too. As paper was more readily available, local court records became more common and detailed, and some still exist. Many court rolls tell us of disputes in which witnesses were called to tell whether they had heard Richard ask Joan to “live with him,” and whether they understood him to mean marriage, and had she accepted a gift from him in token of acceptance? Even if was done seemingly in jest, it could be held as binding in court.

The man may only have been attempting a seduction in a tavern, but witnesses could repeat what he had carelessly said. Usually the circumstances were such that he had found a richer woman who would have him, and he wanted the girl in the tavern to get lost. But courts could enforce the first verbal contract and forbid the man to go through with marriage to the richer girl.

For this reason, the first step in planning a wedding was to publish the intention to marry. In archaic English, this was called publishing the “banns.” On at least two Sundays before the wedding date, the announcement of intention had to be made publicly in church. This gave the jilted girl, Joan, full notice of Richard’s perfidy and sufficient time to find and bring her witnesses. Was it wise for Joan to force Richard to marry her? Probably not; in our terms, we would see Richard outed as bad husband material. But I think they usually did go on to marry, and it may not always have worked out badly.

 

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Dowries

Medieval children transitioned into adulthood with growing responsibility in their profession or with marriage. Girls (as always) married earlier, so we’ll start with marriage from the girl’s point of view.

Aristocratic girls could be betrothed or married at very young ages, so as to keep their destiny secure in case of the father’s death. Royal girls were married as “adults” as young as age 12. The four daughters of Raymond IV, Count of Provence all married French or English royalty when they were between the ages of 12 and 16; their betrothal negotiations had begun when each girl was about ten. But poorer girls did not marry so young. Even at that time, people were aware that bearing children was safer in later teen years. So marriage was typically between 16 and 20, for girls, though it varied widely with time and place.

There was one really key issue for girls: dowry. When we talk of dowries today, we think of contemporary India where the dowry is a burden on families of girls, making them less willing to raise girls. But in history, dowries were the family’s way of ensuring that a girl would not be mistreated. First, they put a numerical value on her social status. When a girl came into a new extended family with solid social status, they were less likely to pick on her.

Second, in many medieval European societies, women were permitted to take their dowries back if they could prove that their husbands were abusive. The dowry was the husband’s property, but only provisionally. Separation and divorce were extremely uncommon in medieval Europe, so the dowry was rarely used this way, but the marriage contract sometimes provided that the girl’s dowry stayed with her in the event of widowhood. So dowry requirements could be real burdens on a family, but they were also viewed as part of ensuring the girl’s future well-being.

The young man’s family was expected to bestow property on the couple, too, and this was called the dower. Marriage negotiations could be carried out with several prospective brides and grooms at the same time, since these negotiations were quite openly about money and situation more than about persons.  If a girl’s family could pull together a neat enough dowry to merit a dower offer of a small farm several cows and a solid stone house, the girl was more likely to survive into old age with a warm house and an adequate diet. The stakes were high.

Even poor girls brought something into the marriage. There are records of betrothal agreements that record dowries consisting of a set of sheets and a copper pot. At the very bottom of the social scale would be girls whose family could spare only a set of pewter spoons; at the top were girls who brought with them manors and farms.

In this system, “love” meant the way you treated someone. A girl could promise to love her husband without knowing him because it meant that she would keep his secrets, cook his food, and make sure he got basic medical care if he was sick or injured. That was love. The man’s promise to love was similarly pragmatic. In an unsentimental time when most marriages ended a few years later with death, the stakes were high, but the expectations were low. Happiness meant staying alive, and the marriage was a survival pact.

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