Two Deaths: “The Year of Sorrow”

In the year 619, Muhammad’s wife Khadijah died. Most Sunni accounts say that she was significantly older than her husband, 65 years old to his 50. Her great age seems less likely when you consider that she left a daughter who was perhaps as young as ten, but really nobody knows. Of course, this was a great grief to their family, as the couple had been very close friends.

Muhammad’s uncle, Abu Talib, who had raised him and whose son he was in turn raising, was growing old and sick. He had been the official clan elder protector of Muhammad for the last five or six years. Before he passed away, the Quraysh elders made another attempt to get him on their side. They asked him to get his nephew to leave Mecca or stop attacking their city’s religion. On his deathbed, he made this request of Muhammad, but of course the Prophet instead asked them all to admit that God was one. The Quraysh elders left, disgusted. But what about Abu Talib?

Abu Talib died soon after the confrontation. He had never publicly embraced Islam, so did he finally repeat that there is no God but Allah? Shi’ite sources believe he did, that in fact he had privately professed faith even before this. They don’t believe that he had ever been an idolater. Sunni sources are in doubt, saying that Uncle Abbas told Muhammad he heard Abu Talib whispering the Shahada as he died, but Muhammad said only, “I did not hear it.” In this narrative, it was a lesson to remember that we cannot determine who God saves, just because we love them. It’s possible that Shi’ites exalt Abu Talib beyond what he deserved because he was the father of Ali; it’s also possible that Sunnis put down Abu Talib more than he deserved, because later political strife made them want to de-emphasize the genetic kin of Muhammad.

With Abu Talib’s death, the floodgates of persecution could open. Abu Bakr, now in poverty and being assaulted, set out for Abyssinia, but instead found a friend along the road who was amazed at the reversal of fortune and helped reinstate him in Mecca, under new protection. The new deal allowed Abu Bakr’s house to be a Muslim prayer refuge, but stories tell that neighbors threw dirt and blood over the wall.

Muhammad began putting out feelers to nearby towns, to see if the growing Muslim community could move there. These towns said no, and that isn’t surprising considering they were economically and socially part of Mecca’s orbit. But to the north and farther inland, there was a growing core of believers in the oasis of Yathrib. Yathrib had several Jewish clans, so it was more adapted to monotheism already. It was a place that Meccans passed through on their caravan journeys, but if anything, it was more firmly on the Spice Road than Mecca, so it was not economically dependent. Muhammad’s Banu Hashim clan had kinship ties in Yathrib, too. Yathrib looked like a good place to move from the troubles of Mecca.

In personal news, after some time had passed since Khadijah’s death, friends urged him to remarry. He married a widow named Saudah, who was about 30 and could step in and take up the household work. But then Muhammad also became betrothed to Abu Bakr’s daughter Aisha. We’ll talk more about Aisha later. In mainstream Sunni telling, at her betrothal Aisha was only six, and it made little difference to her life. The tie served to bring Abu Bakr and Muhammad closer, so that they were family, not just friends.

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Coping with Persecution

Two major events define the next, more intense, stage of persecution. They were happening simultaneously, and they represented two different ways of handling what was happening: to leave, or to stay.

Persecution ramped up to include some beatings, torture, and deaths. Because the Prophet himself was protected by his uncle Abu Talib, he was safe, and many of his followers lived in the Banu Hashim quarter with him. But converts in other parts of the city were not safe. Abu Bakr spent some of his fortune on buying slaves to free them; one was an African being tortured with a large stone on his chest for hours. In Arabia, the sun was an available instrument of torture; take away a man’s ability to protect himself, and he might die. Sun exposure was also used to torture a poor family in another clan. Stories about them vary, but it seems that the husband and wife, and their grown son, were being exposed in the sun, and when the wife shouted at their tormenter, he speared her. The husband may have died of exposure.

Muhammad decided to send a core group of Muslims away to Abyssinia. Abyssinia–that is, modern Somalia and Ethiopia–was one of the closest foreign countries, and it had always been socially/politically close to South Arabia. It wasn’t under the control of either the Romans or the Persians (as other nearby areas were), and it was solidly monotheistic. It had a large Jewish population, and its official religion was Coptic Christianity. There was a chance that Abyssinia would be a good home for a new monotheistic faith. At the very least, it would demonstrate to the Quraysh in Mecca that it wasn’t going to be possible to wipe them all out physically, if half of them were in another country.

Some of Muhammad’s close family were included in the mission to Abyssinia. Uthman, the merchant who was an early convert, had married the Prophet’s second daughter, and they went. So did Ali’s older brother Jafar and his wife, and a man named Hisham ibn al-A’as. About 80 people went, though they left in stages, fearful that their clans would realize the plan and stop them. As soon as the Quraysh leaders understood the plan, they sent emissaries to Abyssinia to ask for their renegade clan members to be returned. The leader? Hisham’s brother Amr. He led an official delegation and brought expensive gifts.

Jafar acted as spokesman when they were called before the Negus, which was the title of the Abyssinian king. Asked to recite a portion of the Quran, he chose Surah Maryam, which tells the story of the angel appearing to Mary to tell her she would have a son. Of course, the king recognized the story. He asked Jafar what they said about Jesus, and he answered with a carefully-worded reply: “Jesus is a servant of Allah, His Messenger, His Spirit, and His Word breathed into the Virgin Mary.” He clarified that God should not be said to have a “son.” On the basis of this interview, the Negus announced formal protection of the group, and sent the Quraysh delegation home. Some of the Muslims returned to Mecca after a short time abroad, but some of them stayed for the next few years. Jafar’s family remained in Abyssinia for twelve years.

Back in Mecca, the elders of the Quraysh voted to enforce a complete boycott on the Banu Hashim quarter. Other clans were not to buy from them or sell to them, nor enter into any marriages with them. This would end when the Banu Hashim handed over Muhammad or at least denounced him. One clan, the Banu Muttalib, declined to participate, and they were included in the boycott. The boycott oath was written on parchment and placed in the Ka’aba.

Some individuals tried to break through the boycott as conditions worsened for the Banu Hashim. One man loaded his camel with supplies and turned it loose to wander there. In many other cases, the wives were points of entry to the banned quarter, since they were still technically members of their own clans. “I’m just taking flour to my daughter.” Muslim believers in the outside clans also did what they could to break the boycott. Less wealthy families in the Banu Hashim quickly fell into hardship, while some others had reserves to draw on. Not being allowed to sell, their income dried up.

When the annual pilgrimage time came around, no fighting was allowed, so Muhammad and his followers could safely go into the city, especially to the Ka’aba. But to compensate, the other Quraysh were more aggressive in other ways, like verbal harassment, or throwing dirt and animal entrails.

After more than two years had passed like this, some of the other clan leaders regretted the oath. The Banu Hashim didn’t appear ready to hand over their kinsman Muhammad, and the hardship was getting worse than the Quraysh had intended. So they announced that they intended to break their oaths. When someone went into the Ka’aba to fetch the oath parchment, they found that insects had eaten all but the words, “In Thy Name, God.” So the boycott ended.

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Mecca and the Revelations

One reason that, at first, Muhammad’s message stayed among his clan is that in Mecca, people tended to live in family and clan blocks. It’s a typical way that older cities grew: each patriarch built additions onto the house, and it eventually became a block. In such cities, people who handled small daily chores and shopping typically stayed within their family quarter. You see it also in the old Italian cities like Genoa and Florence. Shakespeare clearly had in mind this type of layout for Romeo and Juliet: crossing into a hostile clan’s block was a bad idea.

A few of Muhammad’s early followers, like Abu Bakr and Uthman, lived in different quarters of Mecca, so the message began to move into those areas. Abu Bakr made his house available for prayers or other meetings, but the wall around his garden was not so high that others couldn’t see in. Most of the Meccans thought the prayers looked silly. They thought it was just a weird little cult, not connected to some important empire, so there was no reason to look into it.

Muhammad’s uncle Abu Talib did not yet profess the new belief publicly, but he formally made it known that Muhammad was under his personal protection. The other clan chiefs had to respect this, since they didn’t want civil war, nor did they want the clan-chief-protection racket to die out. Until Abu Talib died, Muhammad was physically safe, apart from mockery and some dirt thrown on him. A few of the men in the city were very hostile to the new message.

One day, Muhammad went up a rocky hill that was embedded in the city. This was one way to be high enough that everyone could see you. He called out to them, “If I warned you of raiders approaching, you would listen! Now I’m warning you of greater danger, and will you listen?” His most important uncle, Abu Lahab, shouted back with ridicule. The next revelation/surah denounced this uncle by name for his harsh rejection; the Prophet may even have recited it from the top of the hill (I’m not sure). Incensed, the uncle dissolved engagements that had been formed with Muhammad’s older daughters. Ostracization within the city had begun.

It’s a long, complicated story: how individual bullying turned to strategic bullying, as the entire tribe of Quraysh got involved. Each time someone went to speak to Muhammad face to face, he typically came away either converted or no longer willing to be an active persecutor. Remember the power of poetry with these Arabs: the growing body of surahs that became the Quran were in rhymed prose, not strictly poetry, but they struck the Meccans’ ears as poetry. When Muhammad began to recite, they would stand there mesmerized, feeling transports of emotion. Imagine if the Beatles’ “English Invasion” had been a religious one, carried forward by infectious pop beats. The power of poetry was so great in Mecca that it seems to have worked much that way. Some men were converted as soon as they heard a few lines of one surah. But there were always plenty of families who had not heard the poetry, who were still very hostile, and who did things like throwing dung or dirt.

During this time, many of the revelations were tied to events that had just happened, as persecution and attempts at persuasion both grew more intense. For example, one day Muhammad was trying to persuade a clan leader, when a poor convert came and interrupted him. He wanted to hear a recitation, but the Prophet was annoyed, since the flow of speech had stopped and the clan leader got up and left. This annoyance is embedded in a revelation, noting that “he frowned and turned away.” The message rebuked him for not valuing the poor convert enough. It’s certainly possible to read the verses without knowing why he “frowned,” but it probably makes more sense if you do. (Note: Shi’ites do not believe that Muhammad frowned at this man, since that was an ungenerous response that was uncharacteristic of him.) Many of the surahs from this time talk about the persecution, alluding to specific events.

The literate ones among his followers had realized the importance of writing down the surahs on whatever was at hand. Perhaps in a rich man’s house, they were written on fresh parchment, while among the poorer families, they were jotted down on old accounts or even palm fronds (we still have some old Arabic script on palm branches; you can fit about three lines of script going down the stem’s length). Probably they knew which surahs were older, since those were familiar, but they made no concerted effort to keep the records in time order. As tribes from other towns started catching the new belief, some copies of surahs traveled back with them, out of order, of course. Eventually, when the surahs were all collected after the Prophet’s death, they were put into an order that isn’t always chronological. For example, that second revelation that opened with the puzzling letter “N” is Surah 68! One of the types of Islamic study with hadiths is an attempt to connect events with surahs. The biographies I’m working with typically cite surahs that seem related to events as they tell the events.

Persecution grew. The city did not want to lose its lucrative business model, in which the remaining pagans in Arabia all flooded in during the pilgrimage weeks. As in the New Testament apostles’ adventures at Ephesus, the reaction of the craftsmen to this monotheistic threat was violent. They tried various ways to drive Muhammad out of the city. We must remember, too, that Muhammad was constantly talking about what we today would call “social justice.” Give to the poor; share your wealth; limit your lifestyle. His friend Abu Bakr spent quite a bit of his wealth on supporting the converted poor. All of this was entirely unwelcome to the lifestyle influencers of the city.

Even during this period, some of the persecutors were converted to belief. A young man named Umar was furious when he heard that his sister’s family had converted. He wanted to kill the Prophet, but then he went to his brother-in-law, to attack him instead. He ended up hitting his sister badly enough that she bled, which froze him in his tracks. She showed him a Quranic passage, and he was immediately impressed by the eloquence. He continued his walk to the Prophet’s house, but this time, he wanted to profess faith. Then he publicly told the chief persecutor, his uncle, that he was now one of them.

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Muhammad’s Family and the Revelations

Sometimes there were long silences, while other times, the revelations came in quick succession. Muhammad was able to recite each one to his family and close friends, who also memorized them. Each revelation incident became a surah, a chapter in the eventual Quran, but for now just a discrete portion of the message. Each line was called an ayah. The fact that the ayahs rhymed helped with the memorization, but then Mecca’s culture was one of oral tradition. We’ve lost the faculty for vast memorizations, since now we put our efforts into learning to write. They still memorized things frequently and well, so it was easy and obvious for them to do it.

The first believers were Muhammad’s wife and his immediate family: four daughters still at home, and two adopted sons, Ali and Zayd. Very soon, his merchant friend Abu Bakr also embraced the message and began urging his family and friends to believe in it, too. (Note: the name “Abu Bakr” meant that his son was called Bakr, and it was considered very polite to address a man as “father of son” or his wife as “mother of son. History sometimes records this version of someone’s name, called a kunya, instead of their given name.)

And at first, the message was very simple: tawhid, or belief in the oneness of God. This was to be stated in every prayer as, “There is no God but Allah,” which in Arabic creates a tongue-twister of L’s: La ilahah illa-‘llah. Also very early came the now-familiar phrase “God is great,” Allahu akbar, to be included in prayers. An early revelation added the duty to perform ritual washing before prayer and a set form of bowing, sitting, and standing in repeating prayers. The duty to memorize and recite the known surahs went without saying, for how else could the words be preserved?

After Abu Bakr, the next convert was also an important man. Uthman was related to Muhammad through his mother, but was part of the wealthiest Meccan clan by his father’s line. (His grandfather’s name had been Umayyah; eventually, the dynasty of Caliphs descended from Uthman would be named after Umayyah, the Umayyads.) In 611, Uthman was taking his caravan back from Syria when he heard a dream voice telling him to awake, for “Ahmad” had arisen in Mecca. Puzzled, he shared the dream with another Meccan along the way, Talhah who was a cousin of Abu Bakr. This young man knew that Abu Bakr had been talking about Muhammad (similar to “Ahmad”), so they went to Abu Bakr and the Prophet to hear and profess faith.

A growing number of Muhammad’s cousins, and some of their mothers, were also embracing the new belief. Abu Talib, the uncle who had raised him, was affectionate but not accepting, and other uncles remained hostile to the message. Muhammad hosted a banquet for the clan of Banu Hashim. Some hadiths state that at this banquet, the food was multiplied from an originally small portion prepared by Ali. When his uncles gave him no opportunity to speak, he hosted a second banquet the next day, at which he addressed them. “God has commanded me to call you to Him. Which of you will help me, and be my brother and my successor in this?” A long silence was broken only by adopted son Ali, who was 13 or 15 years old. When Ali spoke up, Muhammad said, “this is my brother and my successor.” The uncles laughed, saying now Abu Talib would have to obey his own youngest son.

It’s interesting that both Sunni and Shi’ite scholars accept the story of Ali’s public stand at the banquet. To Shi’ites, this was the public proclamation of Ali’s formal inheritance of the leader’s mantle. As we’ll see in later entries, Muhammad’s companions did not choose Ali as the successor at the time of the Prophet’s death. But they did not try to suppress this story; apparently they just didn’t credit that what the Prophet said that day meant a legally binding will or even a formal proclamation.

A handful of women were early converts, on the heels of Khadijah. Several of Muhammad’s aunts, both blood-relation aunts and the wives of his uncles, converted. This included his uncle Abbas’s wife, Umm Fadl, although Abbas hesitated (Abbas later became the titular head of another Muslim dynasty, the Abbasids). There was a freed Abyssinian slave in the Prophet’s household, a widow known as Umm Ayman, and she became a prominent Muslim who married Zayd, the adopted son. In these early years, the women in Mecca seemed to have a great deal of freedom of belief and choice.

During these early times, they met where they could to recite the memorized surahs together and pray. There was the most space in the masjid, the wide clearing around the Ka’abah, and that’s where Meccans were supposed to pray. But their style of prayer was unique, strange, and therefore disruptive. They had learned the routine of sitting, standing, and prostrating in a uniform manner. They went through the prayer routines in the drill-like way that today’s Muslims still often pray in public. The Meccans were astonished. That’s when the private, family-based movement started to be noticed and mostly not in a welcoming way.

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The First Revelations of Muhammad

When Muhammad was forty years old, probably in the year 610, he was staying in the cave of al-Hira for prayer and meditation when the first revelation occurred. He saw the figure of a man appear to him and command, “Recite!” (The verb could also mean “Read!” as given in Mohiuddin, 94. Reading was performed out loud; early books were seen as prompting aids for recitation.) Muhammad replied that he could not do it, and the figure commanded him again. This figure was an angel; he embraced Muhammad and made him able to recite. The passage he spoke is the opening (al-Fatihah) of the Quran. It’s fairly short, only seven verses:

  • In the name of Allah, Most Gracious, Most Merciful.
  • Praise be to Allah, the Cherisher and Sustainer of the worlds;
  • Most Gracious, Most Merciful;
  • Master of the Day of Judgment.
  • Thee do we worship, and Thine aid we seek.
  • Show us the straight way,
  • The way of those on whom Thou hast bestowed Thy Grace, those whose (portion) is not wrath, and who go not astray.

This was a confusing experience for him, since traditional Arabic culture had two ready explanations, neither of which Muhammad could accept. Like the Greek Oracle of Apollo at Delphi, Arabian pagan gods often had a seer who was seized by the god’s spirit and spoke divinations and oracles. The divination messages were delivered in rhymed prose, that is, rhymed but unmetered and with lines of uneven length. And that’s the way these lines read: in Arabic, they all end in either -een or -eem, while the line lengths vary. Rhymed prose, divine message…such seers were in the pagan worship tradition, and Muhammad did not want to be associated with them. The other explanation was that a Jinn had spoken to him, which was thought to be the source of some poetry. Both sources would point away from God, toward some other spirit.

Muhammad ran from the cave, downhill toward home. The angel called after him, “O Muhammad, you are the Messenger of God and I am Jibril.” He stopped and looked up to where the angel filled the sky, waiting until the angel vanished. When he got home, he was overwhelmed. He threw himself on his bed, calling to his wife, “Cover me!” She covered him with a cloak or blanket.

But his reaction is another of the doubtful points: Sunni tradition emphasizes Muhammad’s discomfiture, while Shi’ite narratives say he was filled with joy. In that telling, he ran down the mountain because he was excited, and he knew from the start that he really was speaking to an angel.

When Muhammad told Khadijah about the experience and the messages, she immediately gave her opinion that it was truly an angel from God. This response made her the first official believer. (Shi’ite sources say that a very young Ali agreed, making him the second believer.) Together, Khadijah and Muhammad consulted her cousin Waraqah, who had pursued his theological questions to the point of becoming a Christian. Waraqah was much older than Khadijah; he lived only a short time after these events. His response was that surely Muhammad was the Prophet, and he wished he could live long enough to help defend him against the rejection that was about to occur.

In one hadith, Muhammad was asked how the revelations came to him. He replied that while sometimes they came from the figure of a man, as in this first one, other times, they came with the sound like a loud reverberation of a bell, and these ones made him feel sick and confused. We don’t know as much about the second revelation, whether it was the bell type or another conversation with Jibril. Even more confusingly, it began with the letter N. Just “N.” That’s especially curious since these letters were known to Muhammad, but not in the familiar way we know our letters. He must have been very puzzled. It probably served as a sort of fact-check on whether he was making up the revelations himself, because this confusing detail made it seem much more likely, to everyone including himself, that they were not his own thoughts.

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Muhammad the Meccan

Muhammad’s revelations did not begin until he was forty years old. During the period of normal life, he ran their caravan trading business and raised his family. As noted earlier, he adopted the former slave Zayd fairly early in this time, and then his cousin Ali (age 5) much later, when the younger of his children were being born. His caravan trips probably followed the Meccan pattern of going to Gaza and Syria during the summer, and south to Aden during the winter. His uncle al-Abbas brought perfume from South Arabia to sell in Mecca during the pilgrimage month. (Mackintosh-Smith, 121) I don’t think we know what wares Khadijah’s and Muhammad’s business majored in, and mostly we hear of trips toward Syria.

Stories of Muhammad during this time depict him as very devoted to worship at the Ka’aba. The Ka’aba had a wide open space around it, known as the masjid. Going to the Ka’aba meant circumambulating (walking around) the building seven times and kissing the black stone embedded in its foundation. Years later, his friend Umar, now Caliph, was asked why Muslims still kiss the black stone. Umar said that he didn’t consider the stone itself to be significant, but if Muhammad had done it, he was going to do it too. It’s part of the sunnah, the customs and ways, of Muhammad.

Because Muslims believe that Abraham and Ishmael founded the Ka’aba as a temple to Allah, they don’t see Muhammad as being involved in idol worship. It’s true that there were idols inside the Ka’aba and that most of the worshippers had these idols in mind. But except for (perhaps) in his youth, Muhammad is believed to have been a Haneef, that is, an Arab who tried to worship the one Creator God without any particular creed to belong to. And at the same time that Muhammad reverenced the Ka’aba and its stone, he expressed disgust at the idols of Mecca and South Arabia.

He referred to God as “al-Illah,” the generic Arabic name for God (or in pagan context, “a god”); this name, of course, gets simplified to “Allah.” So like other Haneefs, Muhammad referred to “Allah” when he prayed or discussed, and although his fellow citizens worshipped Hubal and the rest, they would have recognized the meaning of what he was saying. They just thought he was pushing his luck by excluding the other gods and insisting on generic “Allah.”

Muhammad was nicknamed “al-Amin,” the Just Man, in reference to his insistence on conducting all business strictly and fairly. Many merchants did not follow these principles, so that he witnessed cheating and bribery in daily business. During these main adult years, Muhammad was integrated in city life, but he felt troubled about being part of what he saw going on.

Another feature of Meccan life that bothered Muhammad was the transition from desert virtues of generosity to commercial virtues of thrift. Desert chieftains of war bands gave feasts and lavish gifts (a pattern also followed by Germanic kings at the same time), using their generosity to create a reputation of nobility. Desert chiefs might give away half of what they owned, since loyal warriors might take just as much again at the next raid. But Meccan merchants operated on principles of investment and profit. They held onto profits, giving only limited banquets and never lavishly handing out gold. Worse, some of the desert generosity had always been directed at the unsuccessful herders and hunters, the poor. Meccan thrift did not include support for the poor. Muhammad was troubled to see growing urban poverty of a type that had been unknown in the desert.

As he grew older, Muhammad began spending much of the month of Ramadan in a cave near the city. Ramadan was already established in the Arabic calendar; it means “scorching heat.” I have not been able to determine much else about pre-Islamic meanings for Ramadan. It may have had some traditional purpose of fasting and meditation already, such that if you wanted to withdraw to a cave, that was the obvious time to do it. He didn’t always fast, for they say that he took provisions and shared them with any poor who stopped by the mountaintop.

The cave of al-Hira was located in the nearby mountain of Jabal al-Nour (Mountain of Light). The outskirts of Mecca now go right up to the mountain’s foot. You can hike up the mountain in about two hours, arriving at the cave. The cave entrance is low and stooping, but once inside, the visitor finds that it opens up with a flat floor and reasonable standing space.

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How do we know about Muhammad’s life? (what is a hadith?)

Before going on with Muhammad’s life story, let’s look at one of the basic problems. At the time of Muhammad’s life, Arabia was not a society that wrote much down.

Paper is what makes writing easy; Arabia had parchment like the rest of the Near East and Europe, but while parchment can be reasonably available, its expense restricts use to important documents: charters, wills, decrees. It was very unusual to write notes about someone’s life during the parchment age. Charlemagne’s courtier Einhard wrote his biography, but then Charlemagne was the most powerful king Europe had seen since the Roman Caesars. We occasionally see a monk who uses some parchment to make his own meditations or notes, but it’s rare, and monasteries were places that majored in parchment procurement. South-Central Arabia, not so much.

Furthermore, the Arabic language of Mecca was just starting to be written down. As we’ll see, Muhammad’s close followers realized the importance of writing down his revelations. They certainly believed that his life was also very important. But they lived in an oral society where it was assumed that everyone would remember the stories he had been told. In oral societies, there are sometimes people whose role in the tribe is simply to remember everything. Forgetting wasn’t something they foresaw.

But Muhammad’s influence expanded more rapidly than anyone could plan for, and then they were too busy creating and maintaining an empire. Muslim records suggest that the third Caliph, who had known Muhammad, urged people to write things down but his reign was short. It wasn’t until two hundred years had passed since the Prophet’s death that scholars made a determined effort to collect on paper the oral anecdotes of his life that were floating around. The men who had known Muhammad had been scattered far and wide by the conquest effort, so their descendants might be found anywhere from Morocco to Afghanistan. They had to be tracked down and asked to narrate what their elders had told them to remember.

An anecdote of the Prophet is called a hadith. This just means a story or a saying, pretty much like our word “anecdote.” An anecdote is a short capsule of narrative information, maybe without a plot or storyline, and maybe without a clear lesson or point. The power of an anecdote is that it happened.

Lacking objective data, the main way to tell if a hadith was true or false was to evaluate the person who told it. After 200 years, that’s not just one person, either. Every hadith comes with a chain of transmission, called its isnad. The isnad tells you what type of claim is being made, and how many narrators were involved in passing it on. Were the transmitters generally thought to be honest men? There is a whole science of determining whether a hadith can be trusted. Every link in the chain had to be investigated.

And what about the collector, who had interviewed the last link in the chain? If a few hadiths in his collection have been deemed “fabricated,” then his collecting discernment is cast into doubt. The Shi’a care most about chains of transmission related to the line of Imams descending genetically from Muhammad, and they don’t give much credit to al-Bukhari, who collected most of the Sunn’i favorite hadiths.

Hadiths were also evaluated by whether they agreed with other hadiths. An outlier hadith that claimed Muhammad said something unusual would have a heavier burden of proof in terms of isnad quality. Some hadiths were recounted by multiple chains of transmission, so they were presumed to be true. When two hadiths disagreed head on, someone had to determine whether they were both correct in different contexts, or if one of them should be discarded. Discarded hadiths are considered fabrications or forgeries.

The whole thing reminds me of the current dilemma we have on the internet when we see a wise quotation ascribed to Aristotle, Winnie the Pooh, or Mark Twain. There’s little at stake here, so in that sense it isn’t comparable. But we face similar questions: is the friend who posted it typically careful about checking things, or not? Does the statement sound like something Aristotle would have said? Winnie the Pooh and Aristotle are known only through a defined set of works, but with Mark Twain, the set is less defined. What if the quote was generated from a private letter held in a museum, not typically shown in books? What if someone’s grandfather had met him and claimed Twain said this to him? How can we tell for sure which quotes are fabricated when the set is undefined? Imagine that a current political party had reason to tell us that Mark Twain said something: in a way, the stakes just went up. Does this agenda make the quote more or less likely?

Let’s take a random example of how to evaluate a hadith, leaning on the database “Isnad.io” for facts. One hadith (Vol. 4, Book 56, #710) in al-Bukhari’s collection says that when two teams were competing archery, the Prophet stopped to watch, but the team he wasn’t standing with refused to compete since now his presence was with the other team. Muhammad told them to go on shooting, because he was really “with” everyone. Is that a reliable hadith? First, its isnad has four narrators: “Masdad bin Masrhad narrates from Yahya bin Said bin Farroukh al-Qatan narrating from Yazid bin Abi Ubaid narrating from Salma ibn al-Akwa.” The original teller was a personal disciple of Muhammad, and although I don’t know anything about the other three names, they were all well-known teachers of Islam with many pupils, no sketchy outliers. The hadith itself appears two more times, with only minor variations; both of these also trace back to Salma ibn al-Akwa, so it confirms that the intermediate tellers didn’t alter it much (therefore they are trustworthy). How does it agree with other stories? It shows Muhammad being fair-minded and interested in archery, which means it agrees with them. So my guess is that it’s considered a reliable hadith.

BUT:

One of the most important things to know about Islam is that the various branches and “schools of law” differ greatly in how they evaluate the hadiths. If a hadith shows Muhammad speaking to a point of law, but it’s considered a fabrication, then the Islamic judges won’t regard it as relevant. Perhaps, back in 1023 two judges disagreed over some hadith, and ever since, their law students have passed on their differing opinions, generation after generation. Depending on what the hadith relates to, the judge from one stream might uphold your claim to an inheritance, while the other denies it. One might invalidate an adoption, the other uphold it.

Take a cursory look at the many collections of hadiths, and you’ll see how complicated this can be. The lists from the Sunn’i, Shi’ite, and Ibadi (African) branches include few overlapping collections. Just being from al-Bukhari might be enough to discredit the archery story for the Shi’ites and Ibadis.

This is the long way of saying that it’s not always clear what we know about Muhammad’s life. There’s a consensus story, and some facts emerge through the Quran itself, and some facts can be checked with outside events. But much of what we think we know comes from pooling these hadiths, written long after the fact. In at least one small but important case, another type of record conflicts with an important hadith. Which one should be taken as definitive? Sometimes these points define Shi’ite or Sunn’i viewpoints, and other times they follow other divisions. I intend to present the narrative formed by consensus, without taking any stands. When I’m aware that there are two narratives, I’ll tell both, as with the case of Khadijah’s previous marriages.

For further detailed information about hadiths, British scholar Jonathan A. C. Brown wrote an accessible book, Hadiths: Muhammad’s Legacy in the Medieval and Modern World.

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Muhammad’s First Marriage

Muhammad is said to have been 25 when his employer, Khadijah, asked him to marry her. She was trying to run a business inherited from her deceased husband, having to depend on relative strangers and men whose interests might go against hers. I am guessing that after her first husband died, her family found her a new match, but after he too died, she was pretty much off the market. Marrying the younger man was in both their interests, since he gained ownership of a business, and she no longer had to employ men to travel for her. It’s worth noting that Shi’ite scholars do not believe she had been married previously, at all.

Traditionally, Khadijah is said to have been fifteen years older than Muhammad, but some scholars have questioned that assumption, just based on common sense. 25 + 15 = 40, which is usually the end of childbearing years. Khadijah is said to have borne her new husband at least six children, very unlikely if she started at 40. It seems more likely that she was in her early 30s. Being widowed twice isn’t a good measurement of passing years, since marriage for girls began at age 14.

Clan life being what it was, Khadijah was already somewhat related to Muhammad. Her brother had recently married his near-age cousin Safiyyah, and they were also related at the level of Muhammad’s great-grandfather. Khadijah’s cousin Waraqah had become a Christian priest in the Assyrian Church, possibly with Nestorian theology. It seems likely that after marrying her, Muhammad’s contacts with Christians increased, if anything. Why does it matter to notice the “Nestorian” theology? The Quran talks about Jesus (Isa in Arabic), but it tells his story a little differently from the traditional Gospels. Nestorian theology separated Jesus’s natures into distinct parts, human and divine. Waraqah’s discussions could have influenced Muhammad’s understanding of the back story.

Whatever her age, the narrative makes clear that she and Muhammad had a close, supportive—and monogamous—-relationship. We remember him as having many wives, but that was only at the end of his life, and it was an aberration to his customs. Their monogamous relationship doesn’t seem to be unusual for Mecca. A few of the clan chiefs drop into stories here and there with sons by different wives, but it’s equally possible that it was a case of a widower remarrying. They were enthusiastic remarriers, for sure.

By Sunni accounts, Khadijah had three children from her first marriages. Shi’ites suggest that she was not married previously, rather that she was raising her sister’s children. In any case, now she bore a son, Qasim, who died in childhood. Then she had four daughters: Zaynab, Ruqayyah, Umm Kulthum, and Fatimah. Last, she bore another son, Abd-Allah, named for Muhammad’s father. He, too, died in childhood. (Many Shi’ites believe that the other daughters also died in childhood, with only Fatimah reaching adulthood.)

Additionally, the couple adopted a teenage boy that Khadijah previously owned as a slave. Zayd was from a northern desert tribe, kidnapped by raiders. Slavery was not racial, it was rather a matter of bad luck. Nobody tried to find Zayd’s family until he was gifted to Muhammad as a wedding present. He freed Zayd, who found a way to get a message to his family. Zayd, however, chose to stay with Muhammad and became an adopted son, probably working in the caravan business. By age, he was more like a younger brother, and later changes under nascent Islamic law undid the legal adoption—as we’ll see.

Last, the couple adopted the young son of Muhammad’s uncle, Abu Talib. Abu Talib was apparently struggling to care for his family, but he had been a kind stepfather to Muhammad, so Muhammad proposed to another uncle, Abbas, that each of them should adopt one of Abu Talib’s sons. Abbas took charge of teenage Ja’far, while Muhammad took home five-year-old Ali.

We see from the story of Muhammad’s first marriage and family that he was left with no direct male heirs. His stepsons from Khadija’s first marriage were never considered as his heirs. They may have died, or they may have moved away. Was either Zayd or Ali to be considered his male heir? I think they were at first. But Zayd’s adoption was later set aside, and Ali was still named for his biological father, Abu Talib, although Muhammad was raising him. I doubt lack of heir seemed important to anyone as long as the family was leading a typical life. This, of course, was soon to change.

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Early Life of Muhammad

Muhammad ibn (son of) Abd-Allah ibn Abd al-Muttalib was born at Mecca in approximately 570, maybe earlier. His father had died while returning from a caravan trip to the west, before the baby was born. Not long after his birth, his mother chose to place him with a nomad family to nurse with their infant. He seems to have stayed with them until he was about three, and then lived in Mecca with his mother for three years (or he may have stayed as many as five years in the desert, which fits better with the language-learning goal). When he was six, they went to Yathrib to see his great-grandmother’s family. In Yathrib, he got to know his cousins and learned to swim and fly a kite.

But on the return trip to Mecca, his mother became ill and died at a small village. The servants took Muhammad to his grandfather’s house, where he lived until he was seven, when his grandfather too died. From the age of eight, Muhammad lived with his uncle Abu Talib. There wasn’t any sort of “school” to be sent to, so he was trained in practical skills he would need. He received basic weapons training with his cousins, and they say he did well with archery.

When he was old enough, he went to work in the countryside as a shepherd. He sometimes accompanied caravans to Syria and Palestine, since that was the family business. These were the years when Nabataean script was being adopted for Arabic in cities like Mecca. It’s an open question whether Muhammad could read it. There wasn’t really anything to read, apart from business accounting. He was probably familiar with the letters, but he probably didn’t do the accounting himself.

During his late teenage years, Mecca had a clan feud that developed into open war for a week; Muhammad is said to have witnessed the fighting and helped in a limited way. Not long after, the city was upset by a visiting merchant’s claim that a clan member had cheated him. These events prompted the men of Mecca to bind themselves by an oath to administer justice without regard to clan membership. Participating in this event would have begun the boy’s thought train about the importance of justice, a theme he returned to often later in life.

There are several stories of Muhammad’s youth that involve contact with Christians, and especially with monks. At the Nabataean city of Bosra in southern Syria, he met some monks: once when he was a child, once as a young man. In these stories, the monks take special notice of him, saying that a prophet was soon to arise in Arabia. In Islamic interpretation, Jesus’s last comments that “my Father will send a comforter to you” referred to an additional human prophet, not to a spiritual, invisible presence. Christians don’t understand it this way, so there won’t be any agreement on that point. But we do know from these stories that Muhammad met and talked to Christians. The monks in Syria might have been orthodox believers, but there was also a flow eastward of Nestorians, who were no longer welcome in Constantinople’s territory. In one story, the monk who meets Muhammad is actually named “Nestor,” which suggests that he did meet Nestorians.

By the time Muhammad was 21, he was ready to lead caravans himself. He would have had basic desert skills for reading the weather, weapons skills to defend himself, and commercial skills to handle trading. After making various trips to Syria, at age 25 was hired by a wealthy widow, Khadijah, to make a caravan trip for her. He was unmarried, although he had asked for the hand of a cousin. His uncle preferred to marry her to an older man from a more powerful family, thus making an alliance that his clan’s reduced circumstances made prudent. It worked out well for Muhammad, since Khadijah asked him to marry her when he returned from the journey.

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Muhammad’s Family

It helps to know a little bit of background on Muhammad’s clan and tribe, because the shape of these family structures were extremely important to the way Islam developed. In the entry on Mecca, you read that his tribe, the Quraysh (ku-rye-sh), ruled that city. They were a large clan with several historic offshoots created by some family divisions in the last 200 years.

Qusay, ruler of Mecca around 440, passed on authority to his oldest son, but half of the tribe preferred his grandson Hashim. These clans banded together; they were financially successful but did not have the formal leadership in Mecca. Hashim, a caravan trader, married a woman in the town of Yathrib, but she insisted on raising their son in Yathrib. Eventually this son came back to Mecca, but there remained a strong link between the Banu Hashim clan and the town of Yathrib (later called Medina). When there was trouble in Mecca, they could retreat to stay with their maternal-linked cousins in Yathrib.

There’s an interesting story about Muhammad’s grandfather, who had only one son. He made an offer to the gods that if he had ten sons, he would sacrifice one of them. Of course, more sons began to be born, and the tenth one was Abd Allah (servant of God), the doomed child. Instead of sacrificing the child (which would have caused scandal), he set up a formal bargaining session. Part of the worship of Hubal, warrior god of Mecca, was to cast arrows at his feet. Ten camels were placed on one side, and Abd Allah on the other. The arrow, cast on the ground, pointed to Abd Allah. So they doubled the camels and cast again. The arrow still chose the child, so they added camels. At one hundred camels, Hubal’s arrow finally pointed to the camels, and the son was saved.

Side note: why wasn’t the son named Abd Hubal? Who was “Allah”? The name “Allah” seems to have been a general name for God in the Mecca region. It was used by the Haneefs, the lone-wolf monotheists in Southern Arabia. It might be cognate with Hebrew “El,” meaning “the Highest.” Of course, this Meccan term for God was soon to become extremely well known.

When the grandfather chose a bride for Abd Allah, he made a point of going to a larger clan, the Banu Zuhrah, and asking for not just one (Aminah) but two brides (also Halah), one for himself. In this way, he hoped that the next generation would be able to count membership in more than one wing of the tribe. Father and son married their cousin brides on the same day. The children were Muhammad (born to Aminah and Abd Allah), and Safiyyah and Hamzah (born to her cousin Halah and the grandfather). Hamzah and Safiyyah were lifelong close friends with Muhammad, sharing the roles of cousin and uncle, depending which generation you looked at. This was not unusual in an Arab clan, where large age differences and intermarriages made some people have multiple family relationships to each other.

We don’t know what year these children were born, although tradition says that Muhammad was born in “the Year of the Elephant.” If that’s true, it pinpoints the date to the time when an Ethiopian general was ruling South Arabia, and before a Persian force deposed the Ethiopians. Abraha, a fervent Christian, led an attack on Mecca with one war elephant in the lead. The attack failed; the Quran says that an army of birds bombarded the men and the elephant with stones. It was approximately 570 by the Roman calendar, but outside sources, such as records in Abyssinia, can’t clarify this.

The “Year of the Elephant” story has Muhammad’s grandfather leading the defense of Mecca (by urging them to pray). Where did their family stand in the hierarchy of the town? It appears there was no official ruler among the Quraysh, but there was a pecking order based mainly on wealth. The grandfather may have been wealthy enough at the time of Abraha’s attack to own 200 camels—taken then returned by the southerners—but he was not the richest man, and his fortunes waned over time. It’s important to understand the social position of the family since this affected the city’s reception of Muhammad’s message.

Muhammad’s clan was the Banu Hashim, the sons (banu) of Hashim. (We now call descendants of this clan “Hashemites.”) They were closely related to the Banu Abd Shams, whose patriarch had been Hashim’s brother. One of the Meccan rulers of the time, Abu Sufyan, was from the Banu Abd Shams clan. Another Mecca ruler, commonly known as Abu Jahl, was from another clan among the Quraysh, related to Muhammad at another few generations earlier. (Aminah’s clan, the Banu Zuhrah, was also related at that more distant level.) These clans were larger and more important. Muhammad’s family should be considered middle class, belonging to society but not important. His lineage was counted only through his father, so although he could ask the Banu Zuhrah for help, he was not one of them.

When Muhammad began to rise in influence, the clans took into account how closely related they were when they chose how to react. Muhammad did not like the clan loyalty system. They also paid attention to wealth and influence, apart from personal holiness. Muhammad was of the middle class, respectable but not of the best families.

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