Animals in medieval medicine

In the entries for eye salves, we first start to see an odd trend in these traditional remedies. While most of them use herbs, a few use fat or gall from animals. Is this medicine or magic?

Both of the leechbooks (lists of remedies in Anglo-Saxons) provide eye salves made from animals, and they are similar but not identical. Bald’s book has a very simple one: put fox’s fat into your eyes. In fact, do it every night for 30 nights as a general cure-all.

Bald’s book suggests another eye salve that sounds more difficult in every way. It starts with oil and a bumble-bee’s honey. Honey was often used to make medicines taste better or as a salve base, but this one specifies a wild bee whose honey is probably difficult to obtain. Into this base, add gall from a raven and a salmon.

Lacnunga has two similar salves. In one, the gall from a raven and a salmon are added to some herbs. A little “sharp juice” makes it a bit wetter, and it’s dropped into the eye through the medium of a piece of linen. In the other salve, bumble-bee’s honey forms the base, with fox fat and bone marrow from a roe deer.

It’s hard to know what to make of these directions from a modern view. It’s impossible to exclude an element of magic, since the bird must be a raven, not just any bird. Is the gallbladder of a raven distinct from others? It’s plausible that bile produced by seed-eating or worm-eating or scavenging birds is different, since they are digesting different things. What about bile from a salmon? I just don’t know.

It’s possible that there’s a unique chemical signature to the honey of the wild bumble-bee, as opposed to all of the wild or domesticated honey bees. Is it likely that this chemical is a break-through substance for treating eyes? It doesn’t seem likely.

It seems likeliest that the efficacy of the salves depended most on the ingredients being hard to obtain. It wasn’t hard to find bile from common farm animals, and pigs are known for production of fat, even in medieval times when pigs foraged for their own food. Foxes are lean creatures; even if you caught a fox and butchered it mainly for its fat, you’d have a small quantity. Same with salmon’s and ravens’ gallbladders or stomachs: small quantities, hard to obtain.

Bumble-bees do make honey, but there’s a reason they aren’t called honey bees. Honey bees stockpile honey for wintering over, but bumble-bees store only a few days’ worth of honey. It would take skill and patience even to find where it was stored, let alone bring it back.

In general, honey has some antibiotic properties, and bile is a mix of powerful chemicals. Ox gall, Wikipedia tells us, has cholesterol, lecithin, taurocholic acid, and glycocholic acid. The other kinds of bile might have any of six acids, which occur in the form of salts. Mixed into water, the salts break down into amino acids like taurine and cysteine.  Taurine crosses the blood-brain barrier and acts as an anti-oxidant; it is a component in today’s energy drinks.

So what happens when you take a bile from specific fish and birds, mix it with hard-to-obtain wild honey, and add fox fat? Really, anything could happen. it’s possible that some chemicals form powerful antibiotics. It’s also possible that representatives of air, land and water unite their magical powers to overwhelm flying venom. Until someone tests these substances, we won’t know.

As before, much thanks to Steve Pollington’s Leechcraft for these medicinal recipes.

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Worms in the eye

In traditional pre-Christian European ideas, outside attacks caused many illnesses. This idea was probably considered primitive by Roman-trained doctors, who had a more scientific system based on imbalance of the body’s humors. In our time, we can see merit in both ideas.

One of the major sources of attack was the worm, or in Anglo-Saxon, “wyrm.” Again, I am leaning on Stephen Pollington’s Leechcraft to describe wyrm attacks. Pollington points out that wyrms could be snakes, dragons, parasitic worms, or some other invisible kind. (Earthworms had their own designation, renwyrm, and were not considered harmful. In fact, applying a crushed earthworm to some injuries was healing.) I’ll continue to use “wyrm,” their spelling, when it has this wider meaning than our “worm.”

The snake is one of the oldest mythological enemies of mankind. In addition to the Bible’s most ancient story of a serpent harming the first humans, the Indic and Hittite writings tell of first humans and heroes having to do battle against serpents. In contrast to the Bible’s story, in which the serpent wins the round and is rebuked directly only by God, the Indo-European myths portrayed the hero as the winner. The struggle might be to the death, as it is in Beowulf, but the hero slays the serpent.

The Anglo-Saxon medical directions and charms don’t distinguish what sort of wyrm might be attacking a patient. Some of the directions just mention wyrm attacks. Others specify that the wyrms are inside an organ, attacking it, which could mean parasitic worms. Of course, people in the past had ample evidence that worms really did attack humans. From tapeworms to ringworms to maggots, it was just fact.

One of the eye remedies in Bald’s collection is for wyrms in the eyes. We don’t know if they were visible worms, like maggots, or something invisible and presumed to be there.

The remedy for wyrms in the eye entails minor surgery. The doctor was to flip the eyelids up and lightly score them with his knife. Then he was to squeeze the juice of the plant celandine into the cuts. This, said the directions, would heal the whole problem. The wyrms would die, and the eye would heal.

Celandine is of the poppy family, and when its stem is cut, a yellow-orange latex oozes out. This juice has antibiotic and analgesic properties, but apparently if it’s put into a wound in this pure, strongest form, it’s highly irritating. In effect, it cauterizes the wound without any literal burning agent like a hot needle or knife.

Celandine has high amounts of an alkaloid called coptisine. The alkaloid is bitter and can be toxic to some kinds of cells. Coptisine used in Chinese medicine, though obtained from a different plant. While opium, also in the poppy family, has some coptisine, celandine apparently has much higher levels. Celandine has a number of other alkaloids, and in different strengths, it can be an analgesic. It may have anti-cancer effects as well.

Putting celandine in its strongest form into an eye that has already been scored with light cuts seems like a pretty radical and extremely painful treatment. Considering it in this light, it may have been used only when there was direct evidence that not only wyrms, but actually worms — maggots or some parasite — were present.

The Herbarium, a third manuscript with much Latin influence, suggests toning down the celandine’s effect by pounding its root with wine, and adding honey…and pepper. I can’t help thinking this one hurt pretty badly too. But if these remedies worked at all, which they probably did, any pain was better than going blind in a survival society. There was no room for error in that world; if any member of a family went blind, it might bring them all down. Next, I’ll look at eye salves that included some even more unusual ingredients.

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The raven’s eyes

Until more researchers at places like Nottingham University recreate Anglo-Saxon medicinal recipes, we won’t know if there are hidden secrets like the surprisingly effective antibiotic made from leeks and garlic. Some of the others sound possibly effective, now that we know one was. And some are just plainly no good, from our perspective.

The most outstanding no-good remedy involving a live bird tells us more about magical thinking than about medicine. How does the world work? What is permissible to do, in a quest for health? Does it matter if you know why it works?

The raven has special status in nearly all polytheistic/nature religions. In Norse religion, the raven was Odin’s special bird. Odin’s two ravens were named Thought and Memory. They flew through the world, bringing him back news. The Celts — Gauls, Britons and Welsh — who preceded the Germans in Europe also revered the raven. Ravens acted as messengers for their gods, too. According to Celtic legend, the Tower of London must be guarded by ravens. The raven’s special status must have been cemented by the Roman legions who occupied Celtic Europe. The cult of Mithras was the most popular religion at the time, and the raven represented a messenger god — and was one rank in initiation — here, too.

If the raven is a divine messenger, then its eyes matter a lot. It has to see what’s happening, right? I hope you can see where this is heading…or maybe I hope you can’t.

Eye infections often led to blindness, and blindness was a terrible disability in the Middle Ages. It was worth doing just about anything to avoid becoming blind. We feel that laboratory testing on animals is a legitimate act (most of us do anyway), and they felt that mutilating a raven was also just fine.

“Take a living raven, take the eyes out of it and, still living, bring it into water. Put the eyes on the neck of the man who needs them, and he will soon be well.” (Pollington, Leechcraft)

There’s no further explanation in Bald’s Leechbook. Immediately after this statement, the list turns to ten more remedies that don’t involve a mutilated living bird. As is generally true, the doctor’s training will help him know when to choose which remedies, so apart from the eyes being swollen, there is no guidance about which cases require a raven.

It’s likely that by Christian times, the raven’s eye remedy was rarely used, and it was only included for completeness. But we don’t know. It may have been viewed as the really effective (but rather extreme) remedy to be tried last when the herbs failed. It’s the only remedy of this type that I could find in the two texts. It’s very clearly magic, not medicine.

I don’t know any explanation for why the raven had to be put into water while its eyes were put onto the patient’s neck. Probably the bird had to be quickly drowned so that it could not take its eyes back, while the eyes were still living. Then the power was transferred to the human, as the bird died. It’s also possible that they had a whole program for teaching ravens to fly under water. If so, that experiment has been recreated in modern times, though it failed.

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Bald’s eye salve: a modern story

After remedies for head pain, the medical books turn to eye problems. It’s very clear that swollen and infected eyes were a serious issue in that time, because both books have a number of remedies. And here, we find a striking story from 2015: one of the remedies actually works, and works well.

The remedies have different preparation methods, and while most of them required only direct mixing or at most boiling the ingredients together, some of them demanded a period of time for the ingredients to sit. It might be three days, or seven, or at most, nine. Nine was a special number in the old religion.

The remedy that the University of Nottingham chose to test had a time requirement; it also required a particular type of vessel: bronze. Its ingredients list was simple compared to others, otherwise: Leeks and garlic, with ox’s gall (stomach bile), steeped in wine for nine days in a bronze dish. At the end of this period, it was to be strained with a cloth, which was probably linen. The resulting liquid was the medicine for a swollen eye.

Nottingham used glass lab equipment, but they included a brass plate so that chemicals could react with it. They chose a heritage local wine; in the Medieval Warm Period, it was easier to grow grapes in England than it has been since, so it seemed certain that anyone using this remedy in the past would be using local vintage.

To test the efficacy of the resulting liquid, the lab prepared some petri-dish cultures of collagen and staphylococcus bacteria. Some culture dishes were also treated with the separate ingredients; garlic and wine, in particular, both have antibiotic properties. But a staph infection is hard to kill, so not much was expected, neither did it happen. None of the separate ingredients had a measurable effect.

However, after nine days, the combination liquid was filtered (I’m not sure if they used linen but I hope so). This liquid was applied to one of the staph cultures. After 24 hours, it was examined under a microscope. All of the lab personnel were astonished to find that most of the staphylococcus bacteria were dead. “About 1 in a 1000 survived,” they report.

2 + 2 = 5! The ingredients in combination had a power that none of them had together.

The test was repeated four times. Each time, the test replicated the initial results. Then something even more surprising came out. They diluted the liquid:

The team then went on to see what happened if they diluted the eye salve – as it is hard to know just how much of the medicine bacteria would be exposed to when applied to a real infection.  They found that when the medicine is too dilute to kill Staphylococcus aureus, it interfered with bacterial cell-cell communication (quorum sensing).  This is a key finding, because bacteria have to talk to each other to switch on the genes that allow them to damage infected tissues.  Many microbiologists think that blocking this behaviour could be an alternative way of treating infection.

Clearly, in a time before any chemistry was understood, someone had learned through trial and error that this combination of materials created a chemical reaction that resulted in a new compound. I wonder if Nottingham has continued to experiment with the variables, for example taking a sample from the mixture each of the nine days, and finding out at what point its starts to change.

Here is the University of Nottingham press release, with a video in which the key participants discuss the experiment.

 

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Herbal remedies for head pain

I’m going to take some Anglo-Saxon herb lore books as representative of medieval herbal medicine. The Anglo-Saxon kingdoms took to literacy fairly readily, especially after King Alfred made a serious initiative to teach reading and build up libraries. During a period we call the “Dark Ages” for its relative lower literacy, there are three major medical books existing in King Alfred’s language.

The oldest, Bald’s Leechbook, seems to have been compiled around 950 AD. The others must date from the 1000s, probably before 1066, although written Old English continued to be used for another century. In discussing them, I am leaning on Stephen Pollington’s translation and notes in Leechcraft: Early English Charms, Plantlore and Healing.

Medieval medical books typically started at the head, closing with foot remedies. Their organization in an analytic sense is non-existent, apart from this general order. I wanted to extract some logical principles from the remedies and present them that way, but it’s really too difficult a task at this time. So let’s discuss them starting with the first ones, and see what develops from there.

It isn’t easy to translate any of these recipes because local and country names for plants often vanish outside of their time and place. Even now in America, there is much local variation in wildflower names. In England, and in medieval times, there could be a dozen different names for the same plant. Scholars who compile dictionaries are often left with single-appearance words whose identity they can only guess at, with context, and not easily. Most of the plants can be identified, but not all.

Bald’s Leechbook deals with head pain partly with herbal brews, and partly with what we can only view as charms. The other major manuscript, the Lacnunga, offers some recipes for head salves. I’ll summarize them so you can get the idea:

a) mustard seed and rue, crushed in oil, mixed into hot water, wash the head with it.

b) pennyroyal (now often called fleabane, and in the mint family) boiled in butter, applied as a salve.

c) salt, rue, ivy berries, pounded and mixed into honey, applied as a salve.

d) roots of hammorwort and everlasting, pounded and mixed with water into a lather, so the lather is used to wash the head.

e) four herbs boiled in water: groundsel, hindhealth, fen-cross and cockle; use the water to wash, and use the boiling mixture’s steam as a vapor treatment.

The next brew for treating head pain seems to be specifically for a sinus infection, because of the way it’s applied. It begins with beet roots; beets were a native root in Europe and were always part of the peasant diet. In this case, the beets are crushed into honey, and this sticky mess was wrung out to obtain the liquid. Now the person with this kind of head pain has to lie down face up, facing a hot sun, and with his head dropping lower than his body (off the edge of a bench?). The doctor pours the red juice into his nose, so that he thinks it has reached the brain—that is, up into the sinus cavities. Then the patient should sit up suddenly and let it all run out. This should be repeated until the infection is washed clean. (There’s an interesting detail that I don’t understand. In managing this treatment, the patient puts butter in his mouth first.)

Bald’s Leechbook also offers two remedies that could not be medical, in our terms. In the first, the pain is treated by tying an herb’s root to the head with a red thread. Red threads had magical meaning; they were probably silk but could have been wool. No doubt silk, as more expensive, was considered more effective.

In the other charm, someone has to find a large swallow fledgling and remove its digestive gravel. Three of these stones, taken without allowing them to touch dirt, water or other stones, are sewn into a cloth bag. The type of cloth, it says, doesn’t matter. The bag is applied to someone with a head-ache or a variety of other problems including nightmares.

The old texts don’t distinguish one type of remedy from the other. They were collecting everything known to be effective, and the swallow-fledgling stones were apparently much respected by some person or text that contributed. We can’t imagine cutting open a baby bird to remove its stomach, but they killed animals all the time for many purposes. Swallows were common birds, easily found and therefore easy to catch with a net. There’s a long history of keeping them semi-tame, with artificial homes, to help discourage flies and mosquitos.

There was probably a basic logic that if swallows could catch insects out of the air as they flew, they should be able to catch other attacks. Their digestive stones, therefore, should trap harmful spells, evil spirits, and perhaps even flying venom and worms. Seen in this light, it’s no wonder that having a good swallow-stone charm bag would seem pretty valuable for a village doctor.

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Natural magic

Natural magic was inseparable from what we’d consider “real” herbal lore. Since the chemistry of why some plants were medicinal was very, very far out of reach, “that’s just how its natural magic works” was the best explanation.

In pre-Christian times, natural magic didn’t cause any philosophical problems. In some religious systems, God is in everything, not separate from creation. In others, the plants are effective because using them is a supplication to some god to help. But for the early European Christians, the use of magic posed a dilemma. What was okay and what was not?

Most of what we know is from penance manuals, the books sent out into the field for priests to use at confession. Sins were carefully defined and, in a sense, rated or scored by how much penance was required. Calling on the pagan gods was obviously a sin, but many charms could be Christianized by calling on angels and saints, instead. I’ll have examples of these in future essays.

Using a plant in a direct way was never considered the wrong kind of natural magic. Plants were crushed, steeped, strained, and burned. They were mixed with wine, water, butter or other substances. Sometimes even animals were used for direct use in medicine, burning some or all of an animal and using the ashes. As long as the remedy went directly onto the wound or into the patient, it was fine.

The church was less comfortable with indirect use of plants, for example, to tie a bunch of leaves with a red string to the patient’s forehead. Some of the rules for using plants were right on the border, such as not using iron to cut or dig. Since chemistry was not understood (after all, using a copper or iron dish did make a difference in how a brew turned out), it was allowed. What about picking a plant only at dawn or midnight? Well, perhaps its virtues fluctuate with the day’s cycle. Who knows? When there was doubt, it was best to say the Our Father or invoke a saint, to be safe.

Everyone agreed on the basic principle of sympathy: similar appearance indicated that a plant (or, sometimes, animal) could treat a problem. If a plant’s flower looked like a snake’s head, it could probably cure snake venom. Garlic was good for spear wounds because the garlic bulb was shaped roughly like a spear-head (“gar” was spear in Anglo-Saxon). Jaundice was treated with plants that were yellow; tree bark could help with skin ailments.

Oddly, everyone also agreed that minerals had properties of natural magic. The lodestone pointed north, which was certainly natural magic, so why would not coral protect its wearer from lightning? Every gemstone had properties like this; one of the standard types of book listed the minerals and what they could do.

Thomas Aquinas, probably speaking for everyone in the Middle Ages, stated that all natural magic properties were caused by the stars’ influence on the earth. Astrology and astronomy were still one science in that time. Most of their lore came from the East, so it had a particularly exotic, scientific sheen.

 

 

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Medieval idea of disease

In the Middle Ages, what was disease? Everyone agreed that health was wholeness: it was the body functioning as it ought to. I guess our contemporary writers who talk about “wellness” are taking a similar view. So loss of health meant that something had been taken away; it needed to be restored.

Loss of health had two primary, concrete causes: imbalance and some kind of attack, a direct theft of health.

Imbalance of humors was the Greco-Roman theory, imported to Northern Europe first with the Roman legions, then with the monastic tradition that was heavily based on Latin sources. Their answer to the question “why am I sick?” was that you ingested some substance that imbalanced your system, or else you have an inherent humor-balancing problem.

The substance was probably food: you ate too many cold and wet foods, which cooled the fires of the stomach, so that food was not properly digested. The body tried to remedy the situation by heating you up. That’s why you have a fever. Or perhaps you ate foods that were too warm or dry for your system. Maybe you were greedy at a feast and glutted yourself on spiced wine; perhaps you could not hold back from eating far too many roast birds.

Bad air might also imbalance your system. Air near the sea was cool and wet, while in low inland places it was warm and wet. We’ve often remarked from the standpoint of current knowledge of mosquito-borne illness that “bad air” most often had mosquitos whining about, although this connection was not made at the time. When people traveled to foreign places, they often came home sick, which was obviously caused by bad air or unfamiliar air that imbalanced a traveler’s system even if it was okay for the inhabitants.

The native Germanic idea of illness seemed to focus most on attacks. Your health was stolen, or something pierced your body and brought unwholeness to it.

In pre-Christian times, the attackers were often elves and dwarves. These creatures lived a life apart from mankind, in woodlands or in mountains and caves (respectively). They were not considered evil. They were just dangerous because they took no care for mankind or might be angered. Elves shot arrows, so sudden attacks of illness, especially if it appeared localized with swelling or a wound, were viewed as elf-shot attacks.

Another type of attack came from a worm. This included literal parasites, as well as imaginary evil serpents. But just as cancer is named for the microscopic crabs they thought were eating the flesh, other illnesses could be caused by invisible worms.

It would simplify things too much to reduce all illness to imbalance and outside attacks; there seems to have been also a general awareness that illness just happens. However, it was still a loss: a loss of balance or wholeness. Plants might restore what was lost, or charms might induce the loss to be reversed.

In early medical books, diseases and remedies were organized from head to foot. This suggests, too, that the illness was generally seen as localized. Disorders like diabetes and gout, which stem from internal organs but show up in limbs or eyes, were out of their reckoning. How much comprehension there was in the linkage of symptoms depends a lot on the place, time, and chain of influence among writers.

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Spices as medicine

Imported spices fit very well into the Greco-Roman theory of the Four Humors. We still refer to many spices as “hot” in informal conversation, even if we mean nothing particular by it. They just took it seriously.

In the early medieval years, imported spices were incredibly expensive. Charlemagne’s spices came by camel and horse train over the Silk Road, and then over the Alps. The Radhanites, early Jewish traders, brought most of Northern Europe’s spices. Of course, Italy always had other options since it was intimately connected to other parts of the Mediterranean. There was a period between the end of the Radhanites’ trading and before the First Crusade, when imported spices were very scarce; this did not slow down their use by aristocrats, and it may have enhanced their reputation as medicine.

The Crusader kingdoms and Venice’s increasing power both helped funnel much larger quantities of spices to Europe. When the Crusader Kingdoms had dwindled and ended, the Mongols were guarding the Spice Road and the Genoans had begun to explore sea routes direct to the East Indies. So the spices became gradually cheaper until in the late Middle Ages, even a wealthy town craftsman could afford pepper and cinnamon. (I think these are the two most common spices in standard American cooking for that very reason.)

As a general rule, during this period as a whole, some spices were worth their weight in silver. The heavily-spiced meat sauces served at feasts were parallel to gold flakes on the dessert and champagne fountains at modern ostentatious parties.

So to come back to medicine, although we complain about the high cost of newly-invented drugs, there is a longstanding association between expense and hope. The poor continued to use the herbs and charms, but the trained doctors for the rich ground spices with mortar and pestle, and dosed them out as prescriptions.

Spices were ranked according to their hot/cold, wet/dry properties. Pepper was hot and dry, as was cinnamon. They were emergency remedies for cold, wet illnesses. Ginger, on the other hand, was hot and wet; it was good for cooling and drying illnesses. Nutmeg was considered very drying.

Ginger does help treat nausea, and both pepper and cinnamon can help with digestion. Just when you start to think that maybe there was common sense behind the use of spices as medicine, look out. Eye disorders were cold and wet; sadly, pepper was one remedy. Placed, of course, in the eyes. Epilepsy, dizziness, and mental illness were treated with spices by placing the spices as close to the brain as possible. That meant packing them into the nose. If these remedies worked, it was by some other means, and they could have done harm.

Sexual desire was hot and dry, while fertility was hot and wet. Pepper, cinnamon and nutmeg were all recommended to increase libido, while ginger was good for fertility. One of the herbs native to the Mediterranean region (brought to Northern Europe in dried form), agnus castus, was considered the coldest herb, so it was prescribed for monks who struggled with too much libido.

Last, of course spices could help drive away “bad air,” so when epidemics went around, the wealthy wore spices near their faces. One form was the pomme d’embre, which was originally a lump of ambergris (from a whale) worn on a chain. But “pomanders,” as the word came into English, could also be lumps of wax with other spices stuck into them, perhaps in a little metal ball with holes to let the scent out. Gradually pomander came to mean any use of herbs or spices to scent the air for any purpose. Perhaps we remember the original pomme d’embre best when we stick cloves into an orange or apple, hanging it to dry in a closet.

 

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Roman medical theory

When the Celtic and Germanic tribes of Europe converted to Roman Christianity, they adopted a long-established written tradition of scientific principles. Their own herb lore continued, probably in many cases without reference to the new “science.” But it became, increasingly, the medicine of the countryside and the poor. Aristocrats wanted medical men trained in the Roman sciences.

The first underlying principle of Greco-Roman medicine was that each person is unique, in health as well as in sickness. We’re slowly coming back to partial acceptance of this idea with DNA definitions of how people differ. However, for a long time, one of our bedrock ideas has been that healthy people are fundamentally alike, and the diseases that make sick people different are also fundamentally alike. We deal in forests, not trees.

Greco-Roman medical practice identified diseases, but it focused more on balancing the four humors that every person was made of. In that one way people were alike, I suppose: they were made up of the same four elements, though in different combinations. The essence of disease was imbalance.

The physical world was already divided into earth, air, water, and fire. The body was similarly made of liquids that corresponded to these four elements. To a Roman doctor, we are made of blood, phlegm, yellow bile, and black bile. Every healthy person had a personal balance of these liquids, and every disease showed itself in signs of imbalance of humors.

The physical world also could be defined by the attributes of heat and water, and lack of heat (coldness) and of water (dryness). The four humors could be described in these terms also. Blood was hot and wet, while phlegm was cold and wet. The two kinds of bile were both perceived as dry; the black bile was additionally cold.

A healthy man could be defined by the humors that dominated in his system. If he was sanguine, it meant literally that he was full of blood. It would be considered normal for him to feel too warm frequently, and to be optimistic. Blood corresponded to air, which was warm and dry. The phlegmatic man had too much phlegm and was cold and wet, like water; he was resistant to action. The melancholy man had more black bile and was both cold and dry, like earth. The choleric man had yellow bile, was warm and dry, and got angry easily, like fire.

When doctors prescribed, they had to take into account the patient’s fundamental system as well as his symptoms of imbalance. Fever was a hot, dry symptom; diseases characterized by fever, like measles, were hot, drying disorders. They needed to be cooled and watered, to bring the system into balance again. A choleric man with a fever needed extra consideration; the fever might be a result of his system having cooled too much, so instead of cooling and hydrating, he might need more warming and drying.

The Greco-Roman system had the great advantage of logic. It organized everything neatly in basically one 2 by 2 table. Our culture may have a tendency to love binary options so much that we simply cannot resist a binary split by another binary.

The drawback was that the system had no factual basis; it was all theory.

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Judeo-Christian medical care in early Rome

In reference to medical history, Christianity must be seen, first, as a Jewish movement. Within a few centuries, root and branch had become hostile to each other, so it’s hard to bear in mind just how fundamentally Jewish the early Christians were. But around the time that Rome declared Christianity a legal religion, there was still relatively little cultural separation.

As mentioned before, I am leaning on Rodney Stark’s The Rise of Christianity for characterizing the 2nd and 3rd centuries. One of Stark’s major theses is that the early church remained culturally Jewish for a long time, and after it was no longer majority Jewish, it retained some of the culture.

It’s a relevant point for medicine because the Jews had a strong tradition of medical care. They focused on ordinary means of health care, such as food, water, washing, pain relief, and visits for encouragement. Certainly, all people believe in these things and practice them most of the time to some extent. The Jews were different in three ways.

First, the God of Israel commanded rituals (similar to Jupiter, Apollo, etc.) but also made it very clear that moral and even emotional commandments were more important. This was unlike any of the pagan polytheistic belief systems. There is no evolutionary progress from any other system to this one; it just appears in the timeline without precedent, and it asked things of people that they really preferred to neglect or avoid. One popular modern belief about religion is that it corresponds to people’s emotional needs, but the God of Israel doesn’t fit that framework very well.

Second, among these uncomfortable commandments was a categorical demand to value all life and consider all blood, the fluid of life, precious. By the time the Babylonian Talmud was being compiled, Jewish philosophers had realized the full implications of this commandment. It meant valuing not only the lives of your own family, but also the lives of strangers. It meant valuing the lives of the weak as well as the strong. It meant going out of your way and sustaining your own losses in order to protect the lives of people who might even intend harm to you. Jesus’ story of the Good Samaritan illustrates this Jewish value very well: the man he praises set aside the ritual commandments and instead endangered his own health and means to save a stranger’s life.

Third, because of this value system, more Jews put more thought into health care than most people did. Basic herbal knowledge and general diagnostic ability was considered part of a good education, so a randomly-chosen Jew was more likely to manage as doctor in a pinch than a randomly-chosen Roman. The first Hebrew medical book was written some time between 300 and 500; it was copied and circulated to promote greater medical awareness. This book emphasized cleanliness and care for the poor, as well as collecting and presenting the herbal lore of every region available to the writer.

So if you lived in Rome or Alexandria in the year 300, you would probably see different health care customs among the Jewish and Christian communities compared to the neighborhoods where pagan gods were still worshiped. Both Jews and Christians felt it their duty to take care of sick people who were unrelated to them or could not pay them.

To the Jewish focus on caring for the sick, Christians added a new aspect: they had a firm belief in the afterlife, and they also believed that they were commanded to put their own lives at risk freely. It was shameful for a Christian to shrink back from visiting or doctoring someone with a potentially infectious disease. That was considered pagan behavior, since it was acting like someone with no hope of heaven. It was denying Christ with your actions; it might mean losing your hope of salvation. Jesus had said directly, “he who saves his life shall lose it.”

When the Roman Empire was devastated by the plague of 251, many pagan Romans knew someone who was a Christian. Stark’s book argues that Christian survival rates were far above pagan rates, first for the simple reason that some epidemic victims can recover if they receive basic care. They were far more likely to receive this basic care, putting the caregivers at risk, if they were in Christian families or had Christian friends and neighbors. These survivors were highly likely to convert to Christianity as a result. So over a few years, with many more pagans dying, and many survivors converting, the Christian faith went from something like 2% to something like 10% or even 25% in some areas. Eventually, by 350, when the Roman government stopped trying to stamp out the new religion, it may have reached as high as 50%.

The medical care we assume today is clearly tightly connected to Judeo-Christian values. Around the world, Jews (in an ethnic sense) and Christians (not in an ethnic sense, but counted by how devout their beliefs are) give the lion’s share of the medical care. This was equally true in the Middle Ages, as we’ll see.

During the late Classical and early Medieval periods, Roman and Christian traditions fused so that people no longer distinguished them. By the time the Germanic tribes converted to Roman Christianity, the original role of Jews and Christians in creating medical care was forgotten, even if the roles continued. The scientific basis for medicine was Roman; the same Galen who fled Rome’s plague in 165 was taught in medieval medical schools without any awareness of the irony. Next, we’ll look at the Greco-Roman belief system.

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