Greek medicine’s pathway into Europe

The Big Story of Europe’s medieval period is something like, “How the rude northern tribes took over for Rome and then gradually learned to adapt to and surpass Rome’s standards of civilization.” You see this same shape in every topic: building bridges, writing poems, making laws. Medieval Italy didn’t step as far back in civilization as England and “Frankia” did. And on the other side, the Germanic tribes had some cultural ways that serve the modern world very well; the post-Roman civilization they created has strengths that the Roman world did not.

So when we first look at “medieval” surgery, by common American’s-eye-view convention we mean “the state of surgery in England, France and Germany around 1100.” However, in medicine too, there was cultural lag and catch-up going on.

Alexandria and Constantinople maintained and improved on the knowledge base from Greece and Rome. The most famous medieval surgery book was written in Alexandria by “Paul of Aegina,” about whom little is known. He was born on the island of Aegina, he lived in Alexandria with its great library, and he compiled a complete 7-volume medical encyclopedia. Some portion of what he wrote seems to have been original. More about Paul’s book in the next installment.

Constantinople’s “byzantine” bureaucratic government funded public hospitals in the early medieval period. I’ll write more about Europe’s hospitals later, but for now let’s stipulate that no surgery occurred in them. Italy’s cities began following Constantinople’s model long before the snowier parts of Europe did. Still, only the Greek-writing world kept improving on the ancient traditions of elective and reparative surgery.

So the primary issue in the early Middle Ages was just the language barrier. When a French king married Princess Anne of Kiev, the French court for a little while had Greek speakers. But basically, Greek was not an important language for study in the medieval period. It wasn’t until the late 1400s, after the fall of Constantinople, that Greek study became normal. After that, the sky was the limit, as we know.

One of the translation pathways for Greek books, in the meantime, was to be purchased by the Caliph of Baghdad (in the glory days of Harun al-Rashid, for fellow Arabian Nights fans) and translated into Arabic. Arabic copies then went to Cordoba, where scholars fluent in Latin and Arabic shifted them into Latin. That’s how the medieval world learned of most things, including these surgery books. It wasn’t until after the fall of Constantinople that they got them direct from Greek. Thomas Aquinas, as far as I know, would have gotten his Aristotle this way via Arabic.

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Surgery in early medieval Northern Europe

The medieval candidate for surgery could be described with four Ms: Male, military, moneyed, and mangled.

Most surgery developed around the war games that gradually grew more rule-bound and civilized but never ceased to be nearly as deadly as real war. Tournaments had one great life-saving advantage over war: a refereed time-out. There were lots of reasons why surgery didn’t happen on battlefields, and they’re too depressing to go into. But on a tournament field, conditions were perfect: everyone was rich, fighting was voluntary, and they could plan ahead for casualties.

The medieval surgeon’s bag contained some very sharp knives, a probe for examining wounds, and a cup to drain infections. Additionally, he carried silk thread and a needle, a short silver tube, and an iron instrument for cauterizing a wound (we might also call it a small branding iron).

The silver pipe was for removing barbed arrows, though these were more of a battlefield hazard than a tournament one. Removing a barbed arrow by pressing the pipe into the wound, enclosing the barbs in metal, was perhaps the simplest medieval surgery.

Silk thread was for stitching up ugly gashes, including trying to tuck intestines back into place. Abdominal wounds like that were among the serious wounds that had a *possibility* of successful surgery. Dirt had to be cleaned off the tissues, and after the wound was stitched, they learned that they needed to leave a drain hole for a while. (I’ll be keeping my eyes open for what they used as a drain tube in the days before latex or plastic. Will let you know if I find.)

Infections were a huge problem. One medieval theory held that the infectious wound was self-cleaning, so it should be kept warm and encouraged to swell and ooze. Another common practice was to use wine as a disinfectant.

At tournaments, head wounds were extremely common. Surgeons often tried to save a knight’s life with a trephine hole, bored with the sharp knife or with a small drill. This drain relieved pressure on the brain as the wound healed. While many or most patients died anyway, there’s evidence from buried skulls that some survived long enough for the trephine hole to close up with new bone as the patient went on with life.

There were two known elective surgeries: for cataract and for bladder stones. The cataract surgery was done by traveling amateurs and while it helped immediately, it later led to complete blindness. Stones were most likely treated in a monastery, where medical care was superior. The idea was to position the stone closer to the surface, perhaps trapping it in a fold of skin, and then make a very small cut or scoop to remove it. This sounds pretty reasonable until you imagine positioning a stone in the bladder or urinary tract without an ultrasound.

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Theriac, the uber-medicine

Theriac was more of a concept than a single recipe. It was a cure-what-ails-you brew with multiple ideas of remedies. Its focus was on counteracting poison, but “poison” was as loose an idea as “toxin” is in alternative medicine today. Maybe you actually ingested poison or were bitten by something venomous, or maybe you received an elf-shot or breathed bad air. Poison could be thought of not as a class of harmful chemicals but as an agent of sickness, however it was received.

Theriac began with the flesh of a poisonous serpent, on the grounds that the snake could neutralize its venom. One of the top magic principles was that like cures like, so the creature that delivered poison could also cure it. It might well also include a dried scorpion, another famous poison delivery system.

From there, the list of ingredients varied. In past essays (last August) I talked about various herbs; their herb-lore was extensive, if sketchy. Some herbs absolutely had an therapeutic effect, while others perhaps just resembled a body part or followed some other magical-logical link. Honey, spices, nut oils, and even brewer’s yeast might go into the theriac next. It’s likely that wine was the liquid element. Individual methods would dictate which herbs and liquids were cooked before it was considered properly mixed.

picture of man mixing theriac

The key to theriac was its uniquely long aging process. Theriac sat, probably corked, for at least a year. Judging by other brews that aged for three to nine days, it was probably strained at the end to remove the sludge and pieces, and the resulting liquid was stored in a fresh bottle.

After that, theriac was the ultimate cure-all for anything poison might have caused: actual venomous bites, infection, migraine, or epidemic. It was probably employed for cancer, too. Adults could drink a little bit of it (probably mixed into wine or ale). But theriac was considered too strong for children. A sick child was treated only by rubbing it onto the skin.

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The frenzied and the moon-mad

We can only guess how much early medieval doctors thought of insanity as an illness or as a devil-infliction. In Bald’s Leechbook, some remedies for mental illness sound like they are definitely intended for a physical problem, and it is called madness, insanity, or frenzy. Other remedies are for “night goers” and those who are afflicted by the devil. Was this some type of psychosis? It would make sense that mania would be viewed as a physical ailment of frenzy, while psychosis was seen as caused by a devil. But we don’t know.

In entry 41, Bald begins with a general herbal drink for “all the enemy’s temptations.” (Pollington, Leechcraft) There’s no further elaboration about what these might be, but the preparation of the drink lets us know that it’s looking past heartburn and pocks, to something vaguer and more threatening. Seven herbs are to be placed under the church’s altar; they remain in place until nine masses have been sung. Then they are crushed into holy water, and the patient must drink this on an empty stomach in the morning. Additionally, holy water is to be sprinkled on his food. There’s a salve in 41, too; like the drink, the herbal butter-salve must go under the altar for nine masses. The patient is anointed with this salve in symbolic places: temples, forehead, head, chest, ribs.

If this wasn’t hint enough that some of the targeted ailments are signs of mental illness, the next line in the same entry says it outright: “To cure an insane man.” There are two drink instructions, but neither needs holy water. They are both ale-based, with specific herbal ingredients that are quite different from the first drink. The full cure requires more: drip a few drops of a cold bath into the drink, then put the man into the cold bath three times. Give him a meal of holy bread, cheese, garlic, and cropleek, with the first drink; put the salve all over him, and “when he is better,” make him drink the second one. I think both of these drinks are purges; the second one is called a “strong purgative drink.” One of the ingredients may be from the castor-oil plant.

Entry 61 has a salve for “elvish kin, nightgoers, and with whom the devil has intercourse.” Since the early Germanic idea of disease included attacks of these kinds, Bald could be talking about any disease. However, again the salve instructions show us that it’s for something vaguer and more threatening than usual. Thirteen herbs are to sit in a bowl under the altar until nine masses have gone by; then they are boiled in butter and sheep fat, with holy salt added, and when it’s strained off, the plant matter has to be thrown into running water. The salve goes on the face and eyes, as well as on anything else that stands out as sore. Additionally, the patient is “smoked” and the sign of the cross made over him frequently.

For “frenzy,” perhaps meaning mania, there was just a light drink, but it required very special preparation. It began just before dawn, singing the litany in church, and then proceeding outdoors while singing the Credo and Pater Noster. On arriving at one of the eight named plants (including radish), he must walk around it three times. These plants required twelve masses!

Radishes were a good enough solution by themselves, for a woman’s madness. She was to fast for a day and eat radish roots at night; this remedy protected people from violent attack for at least one day.

For moon-madness, there was one simple treatment. Make a whip out of a dolphin’s hide. Beat the mad person. This was guaranteed to work, and there is a translator’s note: a later hand had added to the manuscript the word AMEN.

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Egyptian Days: magical science

Anything handed down from the distant past had extra authority, and when it came from the East, even more so. Until well into the early modern period, one of the firmest universal beliefs was in the unlucky Egyptian Days.

The Lacnunga Manuscript carefully instructs doctors that there are three days in the year when they must not bleed either animals or men, no matter how sick they were. Blood-letting had not yet acquired the pseudo-scientific footing it had in the 17th and 18th centuries, but it was considered a good, responsible part of health care. Farmers bled their horses once a year (right after Christmas, on St. Stephen’s Day). Monks, the only class of people who received regular, institutionalized health care, had a right to be bled several times a year on a regular schedule, spending a night in the infirmary to recover.

But those scheduled days must never include the Egyptian Days! On those days, it was very unlucky to create a bleeding situation. Within a few days, the man or beast who had thinned his blood would die. He had at most a week, and if he took a strengthening drink to overcome his fate, he would still die within two weeks. Egyptian Days were also terrible luck for births. Such babies could live, but they would die “an evil death.” The last thing that must not be done on an Egyptian Day was to eat roast goose. Due penalty would be paid: death within 40 days.

The concept of Egyptian Days dates back to ancient times, to the Assyrians of Babylon.

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Magical obstetrics

There is something ultimately mysterious about the birth of a child, even now. We don’t know what governs sex selection in conception of a child, why some babies are stillborn, why some identical twins are conjoined, or how mutations happen. Even in our scientific times, we can only say that these things happen. Something like natural magic is behind it, even if we hope to chip away at the unknown.

How much more was it magical in the past, when natural magic was yet part of their science! Herbs or roots might help by some chemical process, or they might help by means of natural magic principles—who could tell? and all this was doubly true with women, pregnancy, and childbirth.

While Bald’s Leechbook majors in herbal and (for their time) scientific remedies, with only a few charms, the charms are present. The later Lacnunga manuscript mixes science and magic to a much greater degree. Its women’s health section is all magic. (Thank you Steve Pollington for the collection and translations.)

The Lacnunga book has a charm against stillbirth: Step over a dead man’s grave three times, reciting these words, “This as a relief to me for the hateful slow birth, this as a relief to me for the sad stillbirth, this as a relief to me for the hateful lame birth.” When she is pregnant and must lie down in bed at night, she should step across her husband, saying “I step over you with a living child, not a dead one, with a full-term baby, not a stillbirth.” And when the pregnant woman feels the baby kicking and knows it is alive, she should go to a church and say, “To Christ I said and declared this.”

The stillbirth charm probably predates Christian conversion; it must have been a charm to Nerthus or Freya. But in this late, Christian time, the woman is to make it piously clear that she is now saying these things to Christ.

Lacnunga’s further charm for inability to carry a child to term is darker: take a “piece” of her dead infant’s grave (handful of earth? piece of coffin? scrap of shroud?), and wrap it in black wool. Apparently this meant folding it up in several yards of cloth, so that it appeared to be a normal bolt of wool. The next step was to sell it to a trader and say, probably behind his back, “I sell it, you buy it, the black wool and seeds of my sorrow.”

We see here one of the principles of natural magic: to trap a source of trouble in some object and then remove it so that it can’t come back. The trader, unaware that he was buying a bolt with something tucked inside, would put it into his cart or ship and head to a large market town. There, it could be purchased by anyone. By the time they unfolded the black woolen bolt, and discovered the charm tucked inside, they would be so far away that bad luck could not find its way back.

This principle is also very alive in the last charm for stillbirth. This one is the most complicated, requiring a cow, a brook, two houses, and some food. The cow had to be all of one color, not brindled. Having milked this cow, and with some food in hand, the woman is ready.

She starts out, in one of the houses, sipping the milk from her hand without swallowing it. With her mouth full, she runs to the brook without looking behind, and spits the milk into the running water, where it is washed away. Then she scoops up some of the water and drinks it. She recites this charm: “Everywhere I have carried the splendid stomach-strong, with this splendid well-fed one, which I wish to have for myself and go home.” She then turns from the brook without looking back, leaving the source of trouble behind, washed downstream. She returns to a different house, “and takes food there.”

The charm has a clever touch that isn’t captured in modern English. In the phrases “splendid strong stomach” and “splendid well-fed,” the words are almost the same: “maeran magathihtan” and “maeran metethihtan.” The words seem to bind together, magically, the strength of one (the mother’s body) with the other (the infant who needs to be fed on “mete”). The word “food” that she must take into the house she enters is also “mete.”

Of course they didn’t work. But they must have felt as comforting and compelling as any placebo, and perhaps more so than many medical supports.

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Medieval gynecology

Early medieval traditional medicine gave due respect to the particular needs of women. Irregular periods and infertility, labor that’s timely and complete, and post-birth appearance of milk were the three basic problems for women. Some of the herbal remedies are still used, such as nettle tea, while others seem unlikely to be effective. But in women’s care, magic has an unshakable presence. Even apparently medical remedies may have been based in magical ideas.

Bald’s Leechbook, earliest of the Anglo-Saxon sources, does its best to steer clear of magic. (My source is Stephen Pollington’s Leechcraft.) For loss of menstrual periods, it recommends a complicated treatment plan. During the week when the bleeding should be expected, the woman will need a very warm bath every day. (This meant firewood, hauling extra water, and filling the largest wooden-stave tub.) While she sits in the bath, the woman is to drink ale, first boiled up with the herbs speedwell and centaury. After the bath, she is to be covered up very warm, and the doctor applies a poultice to her genital area: barley meal and the dregs of beer made with barley, wild celery, and mugwort. This process should be repeated as needed until the problem is corrected.

On the other side, the period may be dangerously heavy. For this problem, Bald’s treatment is a lot less pampering. The woman had to stand across a small fire with fresh horse droppings laid on its coals, so that this smoke fills her dress and makes her legs sweat. I don’t know what to make of this idea, but it seems to have been meant as a practical remedy, not as a charm. Dried (but fresh) horse droppings, crushed into a powder, are recommended for sores that won’t dry up. It seems possible that digestive enzymes (or something along that line) in the fresh droppings were medicinal.

Bald’s book also addresses problems with labor. When labor doesn’t start, boil a parsnip or carrot in milk and water (equal parts of both), then both eat the cooked root and sip the drink.  If this didn’t work, then a charm: have a child of either sex tie a henbane root or 12 coriander seeds (probably in a little linen bag) to the woman’s thigh. This charm had some risk, because if it remained in place after the baby’s birth, it might continue to draw out the insides of the baby itself. When the placenta did not emerge as expected, the midwife was to boil “old bacon” in water and use this as a douche.

Bald’s pregnancy care directions aren’t far off from some of our ideas. He seems aware of pregnancy food cravings, telling the doctor to “earnestly” refuse to let the woman eat anything very salty, sweet, fatty, or alcoholic. If she must be on a horse, the ride must be gentle, and she must not travel far, lest it induce premature labor. These directions must not have been easy, since avoiding alcohol meant boiling water frequently, and pork was a very common type of meat.

Next: Magical health care for women

 

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Mad dogs and Englishmen—and chickens

I’m passing over many remedies in Leechcraft that follow a sensible, generic pattern: “take these 3 herbs and boil them in wine, let the patient drink it.” “Boil this herb in butter, mix in another herb, apply to wound.” Many of them sound plausible. Another generic pattern is a long list of herbs to be ground together and mixed into butter as a heal-all salve. This, too, sounds at least plausible. There are simply so many of these remedies that unless readers wanted to know about a particular ailment, such as breaking up stones in the bladder, I don’t want to write about them. Of course, the risk of seeking out the interesting ones is that it may distort the overall picture of traditional medicine in the early Middle Ages.

Remedies for dangerous bites stand out from general wound care. There is more attention to snake bites in the Herbarium, which was compiled in Anglo-Saxon from Latin sources. Bald’s Leechbook is more interested in bites of spiders and dogs. However, the Herbarium addresses rabies in particular: the bite of a mad dog. It probably didn’t work, but it’s interesting.

The remedy is in an entry for the herb ashthroat, which may be the herb now called verbena or vervain. It is first prescribed for hardening of the arteries, stones in the bladder, liver disease, and wound care. Its use in snake-bite and spider-bite is unremarkable, following the generic pattern of boiling pounded twigs and leaves in wine, and applying it to the wound.

For the bite of a mad dog, the verbena (probably crushed) is mixed with an equal amount of wheat seeds. This mixture is laid into the open wound. The wheat is there to absorb moisture, probably to draw out the venom. When it appears to be swelled up with moisture, it is removed from the wound and tossed to the chickens. This is a test: will the chickens eat it? If the chickens refuse to touch it, the procedure must be repeated with fresh verbena and wheat until all toxicity is gone.

I don’t know what to make of this test. They seem to assume that chickens can sense the infection in the grain. Or is this just a test of how successfully the wound is being drained at all? Will chickens avoid grain that has gotten blood on it? This seems unlikely to me; the chickens I’ve known don’t mind picking each other bloody. Has anyone in the last 1000 years tried it, or has this chicken lore died out? My father, an amateur chicken farmer, didn’t know either. The internet is only interested in whether chickens can get rabies (answer: no, but isolated cases happen).

Other Herbarium entries recommended for the bite of a mad dog are used in conventional ways, just laid into the wound plain or infused in wine. Only this one treatment has the chicken test.

Bald’s Leechbook suggests using houndstooth, or houndstongue, to treat dog bite. This plant is toxic to cattle because its natural insecticides are so powerful. It has a long history in herb lore; it was regularly used in medicine into the modern age, decocted into various brews and teas. But it’s likely that its use for dog-bite is mostly due to its leaves being shaped like a dog’s tongue. Natural magic’s first principle was that anything shaped like the body part or attacker could help with the ailment.

 

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Henbane and Horehound

Toothache must have been a frequent problem in medieval times. With our standard of dental care, we lose awareness of just how chronic and potentially dangerous tooth problems can be. From chronic minor tooth pain (the sort that gets “referred” to other teeth so you don’t know where it’s coming from) to lethal infections, teeth were a never-ending problem.

Bald’s Leechbook suggests chewing pepper for toothache. When Bald’s book was compiled in the 11th century, this traded spice from southern India must have been restricted to castle cooking and medicinal use. Would pepper help with teeth? It might; it has antibiotic properties.

When pepper was not available, doctors turned to a very dangerous European plant: henbane, which is also called Stinking Nightshade. Henbane is very poisonous, but used with care, it is a narcotic and can induce hallucinations. Bald’s recipe calls for its root to be boiled in vinegar or wine, as a liquid to soak the tooth in. However, Steve Pollington in Leechcraft suggests that the primary reason that they turned to henbane was not that it was an effective narcotic, but rather because its fruit is shaped like a tooth. It’s possible!

Sore throat and lung ailments both enter the leechbooks as coughing. “Against coughing” there are many remedies, but in first place comes horehound. We know this as an old-fashioned candy flavor, but it actually refers to two different plants, the black and the white horehound.

White horehound is a kind of mint, and it is still used to make throat lozenges. However, when it’s boiled, it becomes bitter and nauseating, and works as a purgative. Black horehound is a completely different plant, Ballota nigra. It was known to farmers as the plant that cattle refused to eat because it had such an unpleasant smell. When boiled, however, it may be less volatile. Both are good for lung ailments; a modern herbal reference suggests that black horehound is the more effective medicine, acting directly on mucous membranes.

But Bald’s recipes call for “marrubium,” the Latin name for white horehound. He calls for it to be boiled with honey in some cases, or boiled in combination with many other herbs (betony, agrimony, wormwood, lupin, radish…it’s a long list). When boiled with these other herbs, it can be used to make a barley porridge. Bald suggests treating a man with serious lung disease by giving him warm herbal drinks first thing in the morning, alternatively at times feeding him the medicated barley porridge.

In one suggestion, the patient fasts overnight, takes the herbal brew on an empty stomach and immediately lies down on his right side, with his arm stretched above his head. I don’t know what the effect would be. Any guesses?

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Breast milk and virgins

Medieval herbal and traditional remedies come mainly from native Celtic or Germanic roots, not from the Greco-Roman tradition that they considered more scientific. And although only a few of the remedies include women in the actual recipe, they tell us something about traditional Europe’s attitude toward women. In a nutshell, women are good. They can mediate healing in ways that men can’t.

First, they produce milk. Breast milk turns up in five remedies, leaving it very unclear whether its use was “medical” in our sense, or magical. Other kinds of milk can be used in simple ways, as the base for active ingredients; “woman’s milk” is clearly a special ingredient, not just a base.

Bald’s book suggests using it as an eye drop or wash for growths on the eye, particularly the emergence of a “red sponge.” They’re almost certainly referring to a condition known as “Surfer’s Eye.” Every medieval fisherman can be considered a surfer, for these purposes. Being outdoors in the salt spray, with strong wind and bright sun, was very stressful for their eyes. Pterygium is a reddish or yellow growth that begins to cover the eye. It’s considered benign, but it can grow out over the cornea. It seems likely that many old fishermen, having survived storms and accidents, would be blind, and often from double-eye pterygium.

Pterygium in our time is treated with lubricating drops until it becomes urgent enough for surgery. Breast milk has some outstanding qualities, being sterile and filled with fat molecules. However, you’d think sheep’s milk (their most common dairy) would have the same qualities, and no other milk is recommended as an eye drop.

For “spots” on the eye, breast milk was used as a clean-up fluid after some rather nasty things were dropped into the eye. One of the ingredients has an uncertain translation; it could be sulfur. The other ingredients are burnt salt, and ink. They’re pulverized with a mortar and pestle and sprinkled into the eye, which is then washed up with a bit of wool dipped in water. Breast milk as eye drops come last, as a soothing wash.

Could breast milk have brought needed antibodies, as well as sterile water and fats? It’s possible, but it seems like giving them scientific credit in this case is too big a stretch. Breast milk probably is a good eye-drop at need. But after burnt salt and ink? Worse, there are two alternative eye drops suggested for the pterygium growth: hot pigeon’s or swallow’s blood. Again, it’s quite possible that blood would make a decent eye lubricant and perhaps help with disinfecting. When we see the requirement for pigeons and swallows, though, it sounds like magical thinking. “Birds have sharp eyes, so of course their blood is good for eyes.” The logic may have run a little bit differently, but not much. One of the basic principles of natural magic is that like treats like.

Breast milk also works as an ear-drop mixed with cilantro (coriander) juice. Like other ear-drops, it is first warmed in an oyster shell, which works as a tiny pitcher. Here again, we are left to wonder if its antibodies and white blood cells worked directly against infection.

As a fourth human-dairy product, the Lacnunga book has a very weird fever remedy: “take a snail, and cleanse it, and take the clean lather and mix it with a woman’s milk; give it to him to drink.” Just when we get to the remedy that suggests drinking the stuff, they include a snail.

Fifth and last, breast milk was a component of treating palsy of the face, perhaps what we’d call Bell’s Palsy. One way to treat the palsy was to source the problems to the ear; the mixture of cilantro/coriander and breast milk was again recommended. But for more extreme cases, the woman had to be nursing a baby boy, the leaves had to be dried before use, and the resulting mixture had to be applied to the paralyzed cheek with a blue cloth (and then dripped into the ear). There’s no other example of this “baby boy” reasoning, so we can only guess. Things seemed more magical if they crossed boundaries, so perhaps a woman’s milk being fed to a baby male seemed to combine something of both sexes.

Second, women can exert a powerful influence over nature by being virgins. Here, the “science or magic?” question is unnecessary. Let’s look at the prescription-virgin treatment for a cyst or swelling on the heart (and no, I don’t know how this would have been diagnosed without surgery). A cyst or swelling of some kind was called, in Anglo-Saxon, a wen.

“If wens ail a man at the heart: have a virgin go to a spring which runs straight eastwards and scoop one cup full out against the stream, and sing on it the Credo and Pater Noster and pour it then into another container; and….do likewise until you have three; do likewise for nine days; better will soon come to him.”

I think we can say with confidence that when this remedy was first used, Christian creeds and prayers were not the charms recited. Nine is not a significant number in Judeo-Christian tradition, but it is very significant in the Norse one. Odin hung on the world-tree, gaining secret runic knowledge, for nine days.  Many charms associated with Odin’s secret lore bring in 9’s. We’ll talk more about charms and runes in later entries.

What can we make of these remedies? If nothing else, it’s clear that women were considered a good influence on nature.

Source: Pollington, Leechcraft.

 

 

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