Caliph al-Mansur, 754-75

Caliph al-Saffah’s brother became known as al-Mansur, the Victor. He ruled almost twenty years, so it was really his hand that established the dynasty.

During his early years, an old Persian fashion came back at court. It was a very tall, narrow hat called qalansuwa. There are no pictures of it from the time, so we have to guess. It was probably cone-shaped, and it was certainly black at the Abbasid court. Stories in which the Caliph and his court wore this impractical hat continue into the next century. As uncomfortable as the hat was, it made its wearer stand out as visibly more important than men with smaller hats. The Byzantine court, too, had used awkward, tall hats, and we see them continue into modern times as worn by the highest ranking Orthodox and Catholic clergy.

Al-Mansur was an austere, pious man who did not permit wine to be served nor music played at his court. He was also the only Abbasid Caliph who was a great preacher who could be heard every Friday. A systematic administrator, he kept a full professional staff of clerks who were separate from the Islamic clerks, the ulama. He also kept an intelligence network so nobody could surprise him as the Umayyad Caliph had been surprised.

Al-Mansur faced an early rebellion by his Abbasid uncle in Syria, and he asked Abu Muslim, the charismatic leader who had raised an army in Khorasan, to go deal with it. Abu Muslim won this battle. But this left Abu Muslim himself as a possible threat to the Caliph, at least in the Caliph’s mind. There’s no sign that Abu Muslim was anything but loyal, but Caliph al-Mansur had him executed in Kufa. Abu Muslim’s death touched off a wave of revolts in Iran, and in the next decades, that region broke off from Abbasid rule.

In 762, Caliph al-Mansur settled on a site for a permanent new capital city. Like other rulers in Iraq, he chose the place where the Tigris and Euphrates Rivers come closest. The site was about a hundred miles north of Kufa and came close to the old site of Ctesiphon, the western capital of Persia. The Akkadian Empire had also built its capital, Babylon, nearby. Over time, the inhabitants had dug canals to connect the rivers and make it easier to ship grain from the fertile area between the rivers.

He named the city Medinat al-Salam, the City of Peace. That name didn’t stick, but instead, the Persian name Bagh-Dad stuck. It means God’s Gift. The building of Baghdad is worth its own entry, though.

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Abbasid Caliph al-Saffah, 750-4

The Abbasid Caliphs needed to work a little harder to remind people that their right to rule was legitimate. Perhaps for this reason, they began a tradition of ruling not in their own given names, but by their laqab name. We’ve looked before at the kunya name, like Abu Sufyan or Umm Salamah. The laqab name was a dignified sort of nickname that tried to capture some quality of the person. When Muhammad was a young man, they say he was given the laqab name “al-Amin,” The Just, to reflect his reputation for unusual honesty.

The first Abbasid to be proclaimed Caliph became known as al-Saffah, or as-Saffah (the L in al often changes to match the first sound of the next word). Al-Saffah meant The Shedder of Blood, because on coming to power, he instigated a bloodbath of Umayyads. Not just the royal family but anyone who had been part of the ruling structure was targeted. Mahdi Mahgreb, in his book on the Shi’ite imams, says that in Mosul, only 400 men survived the purge.

Al-Saffah was the clan chief of a branch of the Banu Hisham, an Arab among Arabians, and born in Syria. But he had a clear mandate to do something different with power. Where the Umayyads had favored Arabs above others, Caliph al-Saffah set out to equalize status among believers. Army officers had been only Arabs, and usually only Umayyad relatives if they were available. In the new Abbasid army, Muslims from Khurasan, Iran, and Iraq stepped into roles of command.

The equalizing went beyond just Muslims, though, and this brings us to a general point about new dynasties. A new dynasty needs friends. Anyone who was even neutral toward the new power can expect to be rewarded in some way. Ethnic minorities suddenly find the sun shining on them, since even their sliver of power is needed by the new ruler. We see the cycle many times in Muslim history: a new dynasty means temporary good times for Christians and Jews. In al-Saffah’s court, Jews and Christians were appointed to posts previously held only by Syrians and Umayyads.

Further, Caliph al-Saffah took up governing in Iraq, living first in Kufa, then in Hirah. This step moved the center of power away from Syria, which was necessary to break up the old dynasty’s grip and to reward new friends. But it also placed the center of power—therefore of money—in Kufa, the old stronghold of support for Ali. Many Shi’ites had been hoping that this revolution would bring in a great-grandson of Ali or Husayn as Caliph, so they were potentially disappointed to find it not so. By living among them, al-Saffah could observe, thwart, and influence them. The leading Shi’ite Imam, Jafar al-Saddiq, was ordered to move to Hira where he could be watched.

The most significant action in al-Saffah’s four years was the far-away victory over the Chinese in the Battle of Talas. Soon after the battle, the first Muslim paper mill was set up in Samarkand. Paper technology was carried eastward by stages during the early Abbasid years.

Caliph al-Saffah died of disease after only a few years. He appointed his brother to be his successor.

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Massacre and Escape at Resafa, 750

In societies that lack procedure for peaceful power transfer—which was nearly everyone in the 8th century—it’s important to move fast to cement your new power. It’s even better for the people, who probably have little contact with the rulers. If you leave things uncertain, there will be civil war, and that’s bad for everyone, but most of all for the poor sods whose farms get trashed while their sons are sent out to die. Somebody has to die; it will be a strategic few or a randomly-chosen many. All this throat-clearing leads up to the next step for the Abbasids: killing the Umayyads.

The wealthy families of the top Umayyad princes lived in isolated but well-known places. The cities may have been sweating on the riverbank or plain, but the houses of the rich have always been located in the cool hills near a fast-moving creek or artesian spring. An Umayyad palace was a place of palm trees, fountains, grass and flowers. The children grew up riding horses and swimming in safe pools, learning the education tools of ruling. They lived in tents that sentimentally reminded former nomads of the old life but actually had many luxuries.

When the Abbasids secured Damascus, a detachment of men rode fast to the main collection of country houses to the north, near al-Resafa. Without warning, they invaded the tents and began killing. Any child who survived, especially a boy, could be used as the figurehead of a future counter-revolution and civil war.

Two brothers, one aged 20, the other a bit younger, were on the outskirts of the compound with the four-year-old son of the older brother. With a servant named Bedr, and maybe with some of their sisters, they broke away from the compound and ran. They fled to a village on the Euphrates riverbank, where some people hid them. But their absence was noticed, and their flight was tracked.

A squad of soldiers came to the village to search for them. Escape was high risk, but the brothers decided to leave the child behind (amazingly, he survived) and try to swim the river. The older brother and the servant crossed the river, but the younger brother grew tired and was persuaded to turn back. The pursuers were shouting to them, “Come back! We will spare your lives!” Of course, they didn’t, so the younger brother died. But the two who came out on the other side continued to run.

Prince Abd al-Rahman and his servant Bedr successfully dodged Abbasid search parties for weeks. They made their way back across the Euphrates River, through Syria and Israel, southward into Egypt. Doubtless it was dangerous and terribly uncomfortable, as they must have hid in the bush or desert for days at a time with little to eat, traveling by night, going from hut to hut never knowing if they would be betrayed, trying not to be recognized.

Abd al-Rahman had a definite goal in his mind. Although a grandson of Caliph Hisham, he was the son of a Berber woman, probably a high-ranking slave sent from North Africa by Musa ibn Nusayr. She had spoken Berber/Amazigh language to her son, although of course he spoke Arabic with the rest of the family. Abd al-Rahman was making a beeline for the land of his mother’s tribe, to claim her name and raise his own army.

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Abbasid Revolution: End of the Umayyads, 750

A coalition of pious Muslims who wanted reform of the sinful Umayyads, Arabs who had been left out of the Umayyad aristocracy, and converts who had been left out of even the perks Arabs got finally came together in a successful push to rid Syria of the Umayyads. The money and manpower came from the far east, from Samarkand and all those places beyond the Oxus River.

The key figure in Khurasan was a man known as Abu Muslim; he was the Abbasid agent, but was probably a Persian who became a fanatical Shi’ite. He was able to rally enough fighting men to the cause that they could bring a large army west. It was a long journey and probably few of them got home again, so that was some serious commitment to the cause. Abu Muslim told them that they were fighting to put a special holy man of the Prophet’s family in power, but he didn’t say who it was. It’s likely that many of the fighters believed it would be a descendant of Ali. In 747, Abu Muslim’s Khurasani men took control of Merv, the garrison city on the border of Iran and Afghanistan. This allowed them to march across Iran.

In Iran, they picked up more support. Persian culture wanted to reassert its dominance, after a hundred years of repression by Arab invaders. They didn’t want to leave Islam, rather they could use the puritanical Abbasid cause to take back local control of their cities. Al-Hajjaj’s governorship of Iraq had included Iran in its repressive policies. Persians who had not converted to Islam were persecuted; temples were destroyed and Zoroastrian believers killed. Abu Muslim didn’t give any support to a non-Muslim religion, but he accepted their military and financial support in exchange for more home rule in the next regime.

Back in Syria, the Umayyads had been fighting each other, and there was a major earthquake. Marwan II was still in charge, but he had fewer fighting men than usual. Just like the Roman and Persian armies diminished by years of campaigning against each other, the Umayyad armies had been supporting one or another Umayyad until they, too, had diminished and were tired. Money was growing short, and of course as soon as Abu Muslim took over Merv, taxes from the far east stopped coming to Damascus. Additionally, the Berber revolt in North Africa and a Kharijite rebellion in Yemen took place around the same time.

In 749, Abu Muslim’s army besieged the new garrison town of Wasit in Iraq, the town where Hajjaj had decreed only Syrians could live. A lot of Umayyad forces were trapped in Wasit in the siege, while other Abbasid armies moved on. Arabs who had suffered at Umayyad hands joined them, making it easy to take Kufa.

In Kufa, Abbas’s great-grandson as-Saffah was declared the new Caliph. If they waited longer, some of their conspirators would agitate for a descendant of Ali, and in truth the heart of the conspiracy had always been set on the Abbasids. Marwan II met the invaders in battle, but he was defeated and had to flee to Egypt. The victors entered Syria and captured Damascus.

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The Abbasid Family

If you recall, Muhammad had a number of uncles. Abu Talib raised him, then when Muhammad was married, he and another uncle, Abbas, each took one of Abu Talib’s younger sons to foster. Abbas’s wife became a believer very early, but Abbas fought against the Muslims at Badr. As a captive, he heard Muhammad recount a private conversation between Abbas and his wife, and this convinced him that Allah really spoke to his nephew. From that time, he became a Muslim.

While the family of Muhammad’s daughter Fatimah experienced persecution, so that they were not great in number, the family of Abbas grew and prospered. They were Quraysh but not Umayyads; their clan was the Banu Hashim. As the generations went on after the Prophet’s death, the family of Abbas reminded people that they were Hashimites, not Umayyads. They were one step closer to the Prophet in kinship and in piety.

The Abbasid family settled between Arabia and Syria, at a site now in modern Jordan. They were on a main road and could entertain visitors at their compound. This may be the link that allowed them to become close to some Arabs who had gone with the army out to the east. Now these Arabs lived in Khurasan, which meant the whole general eastern area that was most recently conquered.

The Khurasani Arabs had access to serious money. Some of the non-Arab Muslim converts who felt that the Umayyads had discriminated against them joined their Arab neighbors in dissatisfaction with Umayyad rule. In Khurasan, they also had the ability to assemble an army without immediate detection by the Umayyad state.

The Abbasids and the Khurasanis were joined by one other conspiratorial region: Kufa, and Iraq in general. Iraqis generally believed that the Prophet’s family should be returned to power. They had in mind a descendant of Ali, just as they had recently begun to back Zayd’s rebellion. But the Abbasids were close enough to the Prophet’s family that they could keep options open. The conspirators all agreed that if they could overthrow the Umayyads, the next Caliph would be someone chosen from the Prophet’s family, with the exact choice of an individual held in abeyance until the revolt was successful.

Criticism of the Umayyads had begun much earlier, during the reigns of the short-lived weaker Umayyads. The Abbasids criticized the luxury of the Umayyads to anyone who asked. They chose black as their standard; wearing black was a signal of support for the Abbasids. They promised to return the Umma to pure desert morals and simplicity. When today’s Islamic extremists choose black as their color, they are evoking the Abbasids’ cause, comparing current rulers to the Umayyads.

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Walid II and the Qusayr Amra Murals, 744

Walid II was the Caliph for only a year, but he had been a powerful prince for years before this, so he’s credited with some of the most sumptuous building in Syria. Walid was a party animal, though he also remained a devout Muslim. He had slave girls, alcohol, and whatever money could buy.

He is remembered by archeologists and tourists to Jordan for a small hunting lodge called Qusayr Amra. Its name means “castle,” but it isn’t a fortified dwelling of any sort. It seems to have been a meeting hall with a bathhouse, while guests slept in tents around it. If there were other buildings, they are now gone.

It’s famous for interior murals that cover the walls and ceiling. The stone walls were plastered to make a smooth surface, with the color added to fresh plaster. Over time some of this has chipped and split off, so the images are partial and damaged.

The murals show kings who have been defeated by the Islamic armies: the Roman Emperor, the Sasanian (Persian) Emperor, the King of Visigothic Spain, the King of Ethiopia, and two that may represent China and the Turks. There are scenes of the Caliph and his men hunting wild animals, and scenes of women bathing. A map of the night sky is painted on one domed ceiling.

Walid II’s behavior was scandalous even by Umayyad standards. He loved poetry and horse racing, in addition to parties and slave girls. When he became Caliph, he arrested and jailed Caliph Hisham’s sons, his cousins. One of these sons was a popular and successful general, and Walid ordered him flogged. Another cousin, the son of Walid I and a Persian princess, plotted to overthrow him.

Walid II fled to a castle near Palmyra to escape the coup in Damascus. He wasn’t safe there either. His cousin Yazid sent the son of al-Hajjaj, the longtime governor of Iraq, to find and kill him.

Yazid III became Caliph, but he did not live long to enjoy it. He died of a brain tumor after just a few months. He designated his brother as successor, but another Umayyad cousin had a stronger faction and became Marwan II.

Marwan II ruled for six years, but in reality the dynasty’s power was falling into chaos the whole time. Spies crisscrossed the empire, carrying seditious messages between various leaders, both within the Umayyad family and without. The effect was like termites.

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Zayd’s Uprising, 740

I mentioned in the entry on Caliph al-Walid that he ordered a scholar descended from Ali to be poisoned, as his father had been also. This man, the fourth Shi’ite Imam, was known as al-Sajjad. He had many sons, but two in particular. His oldest son was from al-Sajjad’s marriage to his cousin, so descended from both Hassan and Husayn, the two sons of Ali. This son, Muhammad, was carried along to Karbala when his father al-Sajjad narrowly survived by being stricken by illness and unable to fight. The other notable son, Zayd, was from a later marriage to a girl from Sind (Pakistan).

Muhammad became the fifth Shi’ite Imam and is known as al-Baqir, the one who splits knowledge open. He lived quietly in Medina, teaching many students, caring for his poverty-stricken relatives, and reminding people about what happened to his grandfather at Karbala. The Umayyad Caliphs of this period — Walid, Sulayman, Yazid II, and Hisham — were also establishing schools and bringing students from afar.

Theology and the basic teachings of Islam became matters of dispute. Al-Baqir was centrally positioned to argue against the Kharijites and other groups that formed. One group believed that no sin should be judged, leaving it to Allah alone. Another group believed the Prophet’s family had divine status, while another group introduced some Jewish beliefs.

Umar II, the most pious of these Umayyads, asked al-Baqir for advice and, along with ending the ritual cursing of Ali, he returned some land and other funds to the family. Interesting: his order to begin collecting stories about Muhammad is also a sign of kindness toward the family, since their main possession was a core narration about him. The hadiths eventually collected didn’t follow Shi’ite stories, but apparently at the start, it was a pro-Shi’ite thing to do.

Al-Baqir’s younger brother Zayd was also on good terms with Umar II. Zayd was another leading scholar, and he was said to look most like their great-grandfather Ali. After Umar II’s death, during the short-lived reign of Yazid II, Zayd began to consider if the time might be right for the family’s return to political power. As always, Iraq—and especially the city of Kufa—was the supportive base for launching a revolt.

In 740, long after Umar II’s passing, Zayd raised an army of 15,000 from Basra, Kufa and Mosul. It may have been more of an army in name and on paper than actually in the field, because the first step was to take over Kufa, imprisoning its Umayyad governor. Instead, someone told the Umayyad governor of the plot.

The governor called for the people of Kufa to come to the mosque, where he locked and guarded the doors. With the city more empty than usual, the Umayyads could begin a door to door search for Zayd. Zayd, on his side, had a slim chance of success if he could turn the tables. He and his men overcame the mosque guards and called for the people to come out. But in that moment, the Kufans who had promised to support him let him down. Afraid of the Umayyads, they declared support for the government. Zayd’s rebellion went on a bit longer, but it was just a matter of time until he was captured and killed.

Zayd’s rebellion did not succeed, but for a long time and even into the present, there remained a sect of Shi’ites who believed Zayd was the true Imam, rather than his older half-brother al-Baqir. The sect is called Zaidiyyah and it has been the religion of various kingdoms in Arabia, Spain, Iran, Yemen and Morocco, but today, it is mainly based in Yemen. At the end of the 9th century, a Zaidi set up the Rassid state in Yemen. They had Iman-Caliphs and lasted until 1962. Over 1000 years!

In fact, the civil war in Yemen today was driven by rebels of the Houthi tribe, who are Zaidis. Since 2014, the Houthis have controlled the government in Sana’a. So Zayd’s revolt is pretty relevant still today.

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732: the Battle of Tours (or Poitiers)

In 730, the Land of the Franks appeared to be wide open for conquest. Al-Andalus was securely Muslim, apart from the tiny northern mountain kingdoms. In 721, Arab and Berber invaders had entered modern France in the south—then the Duchy of Aquitaine. But the Duke of Aquitaine defeated them at Toulouse, so they pulled back. Raids continued, darting into the northern territory and retreating with loot. Arabs even settled in the city of Marseille on the coast, the start of a Muslim northern kingdom.

Farther north, the Franks appeared to be the most primitive people the Muslims had yet fought, and their Merovingian kings had become increasingly powerless. The border areas were especially decentralized; until the late Middle Ages, Toulouse was independent and often allied against Paris. The Duke of Aquitaine who had driven the Muslims from Toulouse now chose a marriage alliance with the local Muslim emir. With the defenders divided, France should have been a reprise of the Spanish conquest.

But Frankia was a real homeland with loyal Frankish farmers, not a place like Iberia where the aristocrats were hated by the native peasants. They had settled in tribal groups with chains of loyalty stretching from farmers to barons to kings. We should imagine the Franks much as we picture Vikings, armed with axes and shields. The leaders ride horses, but most of the men are on foot.

Although the King in Paris was powerless, his Majordomo—the manager, or steward—was growing stronger. Majordomo Charles began drilling an army as soon as Muslim invaders settled in Marseille.

In 732, a Muslim rebellion brought the main force of the Arab fighting men into the north of al-Andalus. They killed the rebel emir and surged north to attack his ally (and father-in-law), the Duke of Aquitaine. Their successes devastated the heartland of Celtic-Roman Gaul. The defeated Duke now sent word to the Franks, agreeing to their overlordship in return for help. Majordomo Charles headed south.

For the first time, the Muslim invaders met a defensive army that was large, well-trained, and not caught by surprise. It wasn’t the dregs of a waning empire, it was the first youth of a rising one. Heading north to sack the city of Tours before heading back to Spain for the winter, the Arabs and Berbers found a Frankish shield wall across the top of a wooded hill near Poitiers.

We don’t really know where, there is no archeological evidence or even folklore specifying a spot. But there is an old Roman road running to Tours, and that’s probably what the Arabs were following, and probably what the Franks defended. It ran between the two rivers, crossing the Vienne near the point.’

Charles chose his position carefully. The Muslim cavalry had to charge uphill and through trees, which diminished the shock of their attack. They were not able to break the shield wall. Cavalry can’t operate in a wooded place, but shield walls can, in fact shield walls might be all the stronger for including trees.

We see here the power of terrain in battles; the Frankish forest was nothing like the rocky deserts where Arabs and Berbers had been accustomed to fighting. It was certainly no place for camels, as the first Caliph Umar would have pointed out. Additionally, the Muslim army could never get a handle on just how many men the Franks had in the field, since the forest obscured the view.

Frankish victory came when some Franks ran down to the Arab camp in the valley and began freeing their captives. When a party of cavalry rode back to deal with this threat, the rest of the Muslims thought a retreat had been called. In the confusion, their general was killed. As night fell, the Muslim raiders abandoned their camp and fled.

Muslim armies never came that far north again (until much later they besieged Vienna from another direction). Charles became known as Martel, the Hammer. Charles Martel, his son Pippin and grandson Charlemagne built up Frankish military power so that the Muslims were trapped into a Cold War. There were flashpoints around Toulouse and Narbonne, but the Franks were always on hand to aid allies. Three powerful dynasties were established within twenty years of each other; this Frankish one was the first.

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Abd al-Malik’s Four Sons and one Nephew, 715-43

Caliph al-Walid I was the son of Abd al-Malik, son of Marwan I, one of the generation that knew Muhammad but worked to found the Umayyad dynasty. He died in 715. In Arab tradition, rule is taken not by a son, but by a brother who has been standing by as the second-in-command. We see this in today’s Saudi Arabia, where the very last son of the conqueror, King Abdulaziz, is now in his 90s and will hand off power to his son. So when power passes to the next generation, it could be to the youngest son’s son, not the eldest. It could be to the son of a brother in the middle of the line.

In this case, after Abd al-Malik’s son al-Walid died in 715, the next brother Sulayman took power. He didn’t live long. He was followed by Umar II, a son of Abd al-Malik’s brother who had ruled Egypt during much of the North African conquest. Nor did Umar II live long, but was followed by Yazid II, brother to Walid and Sulayman. By 724, Yazid II had also died, replaced by Hisham, the youngest son of Abd al-Malik. Hisham ruled from 724 to 743.

Umar II’s short reign was marked by pious reforms intended to shore up the aristocratic power of Arabs and Muslims. Muslim converts were exempt from the jizya, the poll tax; but their land became community property with full taxation. Umar II ordered some Syrian churches to be handed back to Christians, since the treaty of Damascus’ surrender had specified that churches would not be seized. On the other hand, he laid down edicts such that both Christians and Jews had to follow restrictive rules.

Umar II’s rules began with no public display of a cross unless it was somehow defaced. Next, when Jews or Christians rode on horses, mules or donkeys, they could not use a regular riding saddle that might be mistaken for a warrior’s gear. They could only ride on obvious pack-saddles. The men were not to wear turbans, and instead, they had a distinctive unfashionable short hair cut.

In spite of this, one of the great Orthodox saints lived during the Umayyad period. John of Damascus was a grandson of Mansur, the Christian Damascene who had opened the gates to Khalid, turning a defeat into a less-destructive surrender. John Mansur moved to Jerusalem, where he wrote tracts against the heresies of his time. Having grown up near the Umayyad court, he understood Islam much better than most monks at the time. The last chapter of his work On Heresies was about Islam; it talks about many conversations he had with Muslims, where they called him an idol-worshipper and he fired back that the Black Stone was from an idol of Aphrodite. He was probably not Umar II’s favorite Christian, which may be why he moved to Jerusalem rather than staying home in Damascus.

Umar II stopped the ritual cursing of Ali and his family that had been done in Syrian mosques since Mu’awiya began doing it. He sent emissaries to China and Tibet to invite their rulers to submit to Islam. During this time, of course, the gradual conquest of Transoxiana was going on. In addition, Umar II also ordered scholars to start collecting stories about Muhammad in writing. Before this, they had not written them, lest these stories start to compete for attention with the Holy Quran. The full hadith collections didn’t come until much later, though.

Umar II’s generals also forced some sea battles in the Mediterranean and first encountered the new Roman “nuclear” weapon: Greek fire. Arab ships had pushed up into the Sea of Marmara to support land attacks on Constantinople. Emperor Leo ordered fire ships to attack. These ships used siphons to shoot chemicals across the water. Once set on fire, this liquid burned in spite of contact with water. Some survivors wintered over on shore, keeping their ships out of sight. When reinforcements came with food, from Egypt, they joined the freezing encampment. Some Egyptian Christian sailors decided to defect; they took some small boats to the city and told the Emperor where the remaining fleet was hidden. Leo’s fire ships destroyed most of what remained. “Greek fire” was the terrible fear of all sea battles from that time forward.

Yazid II took power on Umar II’s death. During his time, the Muslim armies fought against the Khazars in Armenia, the frontier between Syria and the Khazar stronghold north of the Black Sea. The Khazars are interesting on their own. They had come from central Asia, and they are known as Turks, but apparently they were blue-eyed and red-haired. This raises the question of a link to the mysterious Tocharians, who lived in central Asia and spoke an Indo-European language.

Also, there are theories that the Khazars adopted Judaism around this time, because they stayed independent from both Constantinople and Damascus, though at this time everyone was going monotheistic. Apparently there isn’t as much solid evidence for this conversion as you might think, considering that there’s a conspiracy-theory idea that all of Europe’s Jews are actually Khazars. Eventually, the Khazar kingdom crumbled and many of its people joined the Huns in establishing Hungary. This returns them to a more likely Turkic heritage, not Indo-European, since then they could more easily understand the Huns.

The next Caliph was Hisham, the youngest son of Abd al-Malik, therefore a grandson of someone who had known Muhammad—although his reign took place 100 years after the Prophet’s death! The 740 appointment of that last great Arab governor, Nasr, to Transoxiana was Hisham’s doing. Additionally, the push to conquer all of Spain continued—and in 732, during Hisham’s years, the governor of al-Andalus pushed into southern France. We’ll talk about that separately.

Hisham built palaces in the cooler hill country of Resafa, north near the Euphrates River.. The later Umayyad Caliphs spent as little time in hot Damascus as they could. There’s no doubt this played into the fall of the dynasty. But at this time, they had no hint of trouble. The families lived in palaces, the caliphs founded schools and mosques and commissioned grand buildings.

In 740, Hisham sent a large army, 90,000 men, against Constantinople. The main army raided Cappadocia, while a smaller contingent met the Emperor Leo’s forces at Akroinon. This city (now Afynokarahisar, which means Opium Black Castle) was well into western Anatolia. Had the Muslims won the battle, they might have been set up to conquer Constantinople much sooner, but Leo’s forces won decisively. Still, one of Hisham’s sons remained in the field and nibbled back the frontier town by town.

Also in 740, there was a huge Berber revolt, partly provoked by some Arab Kharijites (Rejectionists) who had emigrated to North Africa. Their position was that all authority was corrupt, that only each individual believer could determine truth. They proclaimed people to be apostates and worthy of death. It wasn’t a good theology to migrate and multiply in a new place, but that’s what it did. It took two years to put down the Berber revolt, and by “put down” I mean fight several full-scale battles that finally killed thousands of Berbers.

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Crossing into Spain, 711-5

The Iberian Peninsula has a wide coastal plain facing the Atlantic Ocean sloping up to central plateau and some mountains. To the north, it’s very mountainous. Three major river systems come out of the central hills, draining into the Atlantic. Along the Mediterranean-facing coast, the land slopes up to the plateau quickly, leaving only a narrow coastal plain margin. This coast is crowded with fishing and shipping ports and has always been an integral part of the Mediterranean world. But the plateau tends to be dry, often with thinner soil. It’s good for sheep but not really good for serious farming. The people there have generally been poorer than along the coast. Although the plateau is all part of modern Spain, in the past it has rarely been unified. It tends to be territory that is fought over—and in the Middle Ages, it certainly was.

Before the Arab invasion, Spain was a patchwork of kingdoms made up of native people, Latin immigrants, and Visigothic conquerors. There were the Basques, and there may have been other native people. The generally spoken language was a form of Latin, but the ruling class were Germanic-speaking Visigoths. They had also adopted a form of Christian faith that was Arian, not accepted by the orthodox Christians of Rome and Constantinople. Around the time of Muhammad’s birth, the ruling Visigoths formally joined the Roman theology already followed by their peasants.

The Visigothic kingdom was weak around 710, when the Arabs were looking across from Africa and wondering if it was time to cross. King Roderigo was not the previous king’s son, so he could not draw on a unified military base. Left alone, they’d have had civil war. This was not atypical. Like many other Germanic peoples, they had originally elected kings, and their system in the 7th century was a blend of birth and election that was suited to succession disputes in every generation. This meant the aristocracy was riddled with people who believed their family should have ruled at some point.

Visigothic law tended to be harsh. Blending it with Roman law and 6th century Roman theology, one result was that the law code of 654 was severely anti-Jewish. Passover was banned, as were other holidays. Circumcision was punished by mutilation of the adult doing it. Jewish marriage and burial rites were banned, and following a kosher diet was illegal. Spain had a large Jewish population, since as an outlying Roman colony it had welcomed the Jewish diaspora when they were evicted from Israel. The Jews were probably a majority of the skilled craftsmen, too. So they had no reason to be loyal to the Visigoths.

We don’t have detailed information about how the Arabs conquered most of the peninsula in five years, between 711 and 715. The crossing expedition was led by Tariq ibn Ziyad, who was probably a converted Berber or the son of a mixed Arab-Berber union. His army included Arabs, but its numbers came from the Berbers who had adopted Islam. One problem with using newly conquered loot to pay your army is that you always need new conquests. The Berbers were eager to get a piece of the conquerors’ privilege.

Tariq’s forces landed on Gibraltar and set it up as a base. Its name “Gibraltar” began as “Jabal Tariq,” the mountain of Tariq. Then they crossed to mainland Spain, and at some point, maybe a month later, King Roderigo met them with his knights. But a block of the knights secretly committed to standing back in the battle so that the king would be slain. The battle was a bloodbath and ended organized Visigothic resistance to the invasion. Tariq sent part of his army to secure the city of Cordoba, while he turned toward Toledo.

The Umayyad governor of Ifriqiyah, Musa ibn Nusayr, oversaw and later joined the expedition. He was a freed slave of the Governor of Egypt, and he became an independent governor due to the vast territory added under his rule. In 712, he too crossed into Spain and conquered Seville. Sometimes meeting to coordinate and fight over treasures, Tariq and Musa wiped out the rest of the Visigothic resistance in every region of Spain except the far north. There, neighboring the Basques, a Visigoth set up the Kingdom of Asturias. In 717, he successfully defended the small mountain kingdom against a Muslim army.

The Muslims called their new land al-Andalus and began minting gold dinars by 716, perhaps recycling gold treasures taken from houses and churches. The earliest of these coins says “There is no God but God”—in Latin. They didn’t set up garrison cities, as the earlier Arab conquests had done. Perhaps the majority Berber men were unwilling to live in towns of any kind. Arabs settled in the cities, Berbers in the country, and all married local women.

Musa appointed two of his sons to rule Andalusia (as we usually call it) and Ifriqiyah when he and Tariq were ordered to report back to Damascus, bringing treasure. His son Abd al-Aziz in Andalusia married the dead king’s widow and went on with the conquest project, taking in the rest of modern Portugal. But his Visigothic wife encouraged him to behave and dress as a king, and this didn’t sit well with the Arab-Berber army. Perhaps on the Caliph’s orders, perhaps on their own, they executed him. His head was sent to Damascus while his father Musa was still there. Musa and Tariq never returned to Andalusia.

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