The Western Caliph, 890-961

The dynasty of Abd al-Rahman, the Umayyad prince who successfully dodged Abbasid assassins until he took control of Spain, was still going on. He and his immediate heirs called themselves Emirs, rather than Caliphs. But by 912, when great-great-great-grandson Abd al-Rahman III took power in Cordoba, it seemed time to elevate their title.

Abd al-Rahman III was the son and grandson of Christian women; his grandmother was a Basque princess. Enough Visigothic women had been married into the line that he was born with blue eyes and red hair. Trying to look more Arabic, he would dye his beard black. They say that in addition to his family’s Arabic-language tradition, he learned the Mozarabic blend of Arabic and Latin that was becoming the vernacular.

When 21 year old Abd al-Rahman succeeded as Emir of Cordoba, the kingdom was threatened on all sides. There was an active rebellion by a Muslim noble of native Iberian descent, the new emirate of the Fatimid Imam to the south, and to the north, the beginning of the long Christian push to reconquer the peninsula.

Like other rulers of his time, he chose to create a slave army that was at his personal command. His army was mainly made up of Slavs bought from traders on ships. Using this army, he battled the internal rebellions. Because the rebel leader held a Roman-built castle, the process took from 913 to 928, with many battles, sieges, and beheadings.

In 929, Abd al-Rahman was close enough to subduing the entire al-Andalus region that he chose to elevate his title. In a letter circulated among his cities, he proclaimed that he should be called the Commander of the Faithful, like his ancestors in Damascus. As Caliph, he built a new palace, with a new city around it, north of Cordoba. The city was sacked in 1010, but it has been excavated and is now a UNESCO Heritage Site.

With a new navy, allied with the Berbers, he captured Tangiers and the coastal towns of Melilla and Ceuta, which are still part of Spain today. But Abd al-Rahman was not able to defeat the newly established Fatimids in Tunisia, so soon there were two Caliphs in the west, since al-Mahdi and his son were called Caliph, in addition to Imam.

In the north, Caliph Abd al-Rahman fought against the Christian mountain kingdoms. He invaded Navarre and sacked Pamplona, tearing down its cathedral. Barcelona, Pamplona, and the kingdom of Leon all paid homage to him in Cordoba. But the Reconquista continued, and it gained a patron, St. Pelagius. Pelagius was a Christian slave boy in Cordoba, who was the object of amorous advances by the Caliph. When he refused to cooperate, he was killed. The story seems unlikely, but there it is. His feast day is June 26.

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The Fatimid Imam of Ifriqiyah, 909-34

The Ismaili branch of the Shi’a had pretty much gone into hiding and emigrated westward to escape persecution by the Abbasid Caliphs. They had a network of agents who spread the word about their Mahdi in waiting (Muhammad ibn Ismail ibn Jafar, grandson of the 6th Imam). The agents were called da’wa, a word that starts to be more important with the rise of this branch of Shi’ites to power in North Africa. The chief of these agents ruled their adherents in the name of the hidden Mahdi. Some of the agents were related to the Ismaili line

In 899, a chief da’wa proclaimed that he was the Imam, and more than that, he was the Mahdi, returned. He is known to history as al-Mahdi Billah (or Abd Allah). The Qarmatian branch of the Ismaili movement rejected him, so he fled to Morocco. He began preaching to the Berbers and was imprisoned by the semi-independent Aghlabid Emir of Ifriqiyah. But another da’wa leader raised the Berbers in revolt, and in 909 they overthrew the Emir and released al-Mahdi Billah.

Imam Al-Mahdi Billah became the ruler of western North Africa. He founded a city named al-Mahdiyah on the coast of Tunisia. By 920, the new Emir was living in his capital, although his kingdom at this point was made up of Berber tribes and a lot of hype. But his son al-Qaim inherited power in al-Mahdiyah as Caliph, and the territory kept growing.

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Abbasid Scientists

During Caliph al-Muqtadir’s reign, there were significant scientific advances. Here’s a round-up of the major names.

Ishaq ibn Hunayn, from a family of translators, translated Euclid’s Elements and Ptolemy’s Almagest into Arabic. This turned out to matter tremendously when Greek manuscripts were destroyed in fires. Our English texts are as much reconstructed from Arabic as from the Greek fragments. I remember seeing lots of footnotes about Arabic when I was studying Euclid and Ptolemy.

Ptolemy’s Almagest summarized the astronomy collected from not only Greek, but also Egyptian and Babylonian, sources. Babylonian sources, of course, take us right back to Iraq, where the Arabic translation could aid Muslim astronomers. Al-Battani was known as the Ptolemy of the Arabs.

Al-Battani was born in Harran to a father who made scientific instruments. The son was certainly trained in this skill too. He lived in Raqqa, the Syrian town beloved by Umayyad Caliphs—and in our time, hijacked by ISIS for a few years. The chief work of an astronomer was recording many careful observations of all changes in the sky, and he did this for his whole life, as well as working on a lot of advanced mathematics.

Al-Battani is credited as the first person to make an accurate measurement of the solar year; he was only two minutes off, by modern measuring methods. He also measured the distance between the earth and sun, which changed constantly. He reasoned that since solar eclipses happened when the sun was farthest from the earth, it must be the moon that was blocking the sun. (Flat Earth believers, take note that this was figured out by 900 without any help from NASA.)

Al-Battani’s mathematical treatise presented trigonometric relationships, including use of sine and tangent. He used trigonometry to show how direction to Mecca could be calculated; it wasn’t good enough to work it out accurately in a distant place, but it was a mathematical achievement.

Al-Razi, who lived in the city of Rayy, Iran, was a medical doctor, alchemist and philosopher. He is certainly one of history’s greatest intellects, though most Westerners have not heard of him. He got his medical training at a hospital in Baghdad, then returned to Iran.

He ran experiments that others didn’t think of, for example, when he was given the commission to build a large hospital (in Rayy, I think), he chose the location by hanging raw meat in various places and seeing where it rotted the slowest. He divided his patients with meningitis into two groups, one to have blood let and the other as a control group. He raised questions about the medical doctrine being passed down from the past, such as the works of Galen, the great Roman physician. He devoted a whole book to Doubts About Galen, in fact.

Al-Razi wrote the first book specifically on diseases of children, and later the first book of home medical advice for the poor. He also wrote a treatise on smallpox and measles, carefully differentiating them. Like many scientists of his time, he also wrote books on philosophy and grammar, too.

If this weren’t enough, he had two other major advances. One was in pharmacy, which he standardized to some extent. He also developed its tools to better standards: he invented lab equipment, we might say. Then, perhaps related to pharmacy, he advanced alchemy, the early form of chemistry. He wasted much time trying to turn lead into gold, but he concluded it probably wasn’t possible. And while doing those things, he also began classifying chemical substances. He counted eleven salts, seven borates (such as natron), seven vitriols (sulfates), seven bodies (we’d call them metals, like tin, gold and zinc), thirteen stones (malachite, mica, lapis lazuli, etc.), and four spirits, which included mercury. It wasn’t the Periodic Table of Elements, but for its time, it was a big step forward.

Al-Farabi was probably born in the east (perhaps Kazakhstan), but spent his career in Baghdad, with trips to Syria and Egypt. He worked in alchemy, logic, physics, philosophy, psychology and music, and wrote about a hundred books. Many Greek manuscripts were lost in library fires, so any copies and commentaries help us reconstruct them, and al-Farabi wrote commentaries on every text by Aristotle. Philosophy isn’t as fun to write about as medicine and chemistry, so my comments are shorter than his relative importance would demand.

Last but not least, al-Tabari was the main historian of the period, and we owe so much to his History of the Prophets and Kings. Al-Tabari was another easterner, but he was also a child prodigy. He was qualified as a prayer leader at the mosque at only eight years old. Leaving home at age 12 to begin post-graduate studies, he lived in Rayy, Baghdad, Basra, Syria, Egypt, and even India.

Al-Tabari’s main purpose was to know everything that could be known about the schools of Islamic law, but this project led him to meet every elderly leading scholar in all of the main cities. Clearly, this led to his becoming a scholar of history. He wrote his major history book late in life, adding contemporary accounts of Caliphs Mutadid, Muktafi, and Muqtadir as events happened. I would have little to write about, without al-Tabari.

Al-Tabari criticized the popular Hanbali school of law, saying that Ibn Hanbal was nothing but a hadith collector. As he grew older and more respected, Hanbali disciples held this criticism against him. By the time he was very old, they were gathering in crowds to throw rocks at his house. He lived under police protection in Baghdad, where he finally died and was buried.

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Ibn Fadlan and the Vikings, 920-2

Caliph Muqtadir sent an embassy to the Volga Bulgars, who lived at the intersection of the Volga and Kama Rivers. One of the embassy members, Ibn Fadlan, wrote an account of the embassy’s journey that became one of the earliest records we have of the Rus culture.

Turkish tribes were always pressing into Eastern Europe and, where possible, settling. We often project back into the past our modern idea, in this case, that Eastern Europe is basically Slavic. But at that time, it was as much Turkish as anything. The Pechenegs, Cumans, Khazars, Avars, and Bulgars were among the earliest settlers.

Kiev was not yet Christian at this point, though its prince was also a rising power. The Kievan Rus were probably Norsemen who may have come south along the great rivers. Some of the Rus served in the Varangian Guard, the Byzantine Emperor’s personal bodyguards, so they began to have ties to Christianity. The third ethnic group there, the Slavs, had not yet achieved any real political power but were the indigenous people of the forest and rivers.

The Bulgars had established a small state along the Volga River, with a capital city called Bolghar. Some of them had recently indicated a wish to convert to Islam, which would ally them with Baghdad rather than Constantinople. Their rivals, the Khazars, had chosen to become Jewish, which positioned them as neutral in the middle, but neutral in this case didn’t mean Switzerland, as they were often at war with their neighbors. The Bulgars traded with the Rus in Kiev, as well as the Avars (related to the Huns) and the local Slavs.

In 920, the Ibn Fadlan embassy brought Islamic books and teachers to the Bulgars. They also brought gifts and a letter from the Caliph, though what the Bulgars really wanted was immediate aid to build a new fortress. Ibn Fadlan stayed with them for two years. He found the already Muslim Bulgars ignorant and unorthodox in their habits, which he tried to correct.

Ibn Fadlan witnessed Rus traders who came down the Volga. Basically, they were Vikings. His report of them is the most valuable part, to modern eyes, and Michael Crichton even incorporated its basic premise and observations in his novel The Thirteenth Warrior.

Ibn Fadlan said that the Rus were as tall as date palms, with blonde hair and ruddy skin, he said. Their skin was heavily tattooed in blue or green ink. Their mode of dress always left a hand free, and they were always armed with axe, sword and knife. Their women loved glass bead necklaces, and he said each one wore on her breast a “box” of some kind of metal, from which hung her knife. It seems likely he was describing saucer brooches, which we see often in grave goods. Further, he said they were very public about having sex, which disgusted him.

Ibn Fadlan reported that the Rus didn’t farm but lived off the Slavs, who were less warlike and perhaps didn’t have ships. The Rus took them as slaves, selling them in markets. They used their Volga boats as their main residences, telling the Arab that their homeland was a large island. Most famously, Ibn Fadlan described a ship burial. The chieftain who died was placed on his ship, and then slaves were strangled to accompany him.

Ibn Fadlan returned to Baghdad and wrote up his report, which we have only partially extant. It was rediscovered by moderns in its fullest form only in 1923, when a manuscript was found in Mashhad, Iran.

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Abbasid Caliphs and the Qarmatians, 892-932

Increasingly, the Caliph at Baghdad was not the main story in the Muslim world. At his own court, he could be sidelined by his brother, as al-Mutamid was. He could be outshone by a Vizier, as al-Muktafi was. A few, such as al-Mutadid, led their own armies and were more like past Caliphs, but they didn’t live long. Whoever they were, they spent their time trying to bring back or negotiate with breakaway regions, like Egypt under Ibn Tulun, or much of Iran under the Saffarids.

Caliph al-Muqtadir is perhaps the most interesting. He ruled from 908 to 929, twice as long as most of the Caliphs of the period. His mother, a Greek concubine who was renamed Shaghab (it meant “turbulent,” intended to make her look bad so as to ward off other suitors or bad luck) after she became umm walad (that is, a free woman due to having borne the Caliph a son), became regent until her 13 year old son grew up. She stayed in the harem but wielded immense influence by way of her agents, women who were free to enter and leave the harem. These women were shadow rulers during Muqtadir’s life.

The other major actor under Muqtadir was a Greek eunuch, Munis. He had been the commander of the army until he was sent to govern Mecca, a sort of exile, in 901. Muqtadir (or probably his regent mother) recalled Munis to be the commander again. Munis was an extremely able soldier. During his years, the Byzantine empress requested a truce and alliance with Baghdad—and that’s no mean feat for a Muslim commander.

Munis’s power grew so that he was able to depose the Vizier, the only official who was able to challenge and balance his influence. By 928, he challenged even the Caliph. He deposed Muqtadir, installing his younger brother al-Qahir for a few days. When Munis brought back Muqtadir, it was clear who was really ruling.

All this time, a new Shi’ite movement had been active in Iran and Arabia. The Twelver Imamate had come to an end, but other movements were ongoing. The Qarmatians were Ismailis, followers of the branch that believed the sixth Imam’s successor had been grandson Ismail ibn Jafar, not son Musa. This branch is called Seveners, since the argument was over the 7th Imam. This particular group believed that Ismail’s son had been occulted (hidden in heaven rather than dying) and was the Mahdi to return. They preached an apocalyptic, messianic faith.

No one is sure why they were called Qarmatians. But under this historical label, they took advantage of the anarchy years and the Zanj Uprising to form an independent state in Eastern Arabia. It was a theocratic utopia, in an economy based on Ethiopian slaves. One of their beliefs was that the Hajj to Mecca was a superstition, so they attacked pilgrim traffic. In 906, they massacred 20,000 pilgrims! In the following years, they sacked Basra, the southernmost Iraqi city, then went as far as Kufa, the old Shi’ite stronghold, and also sacked it. The Baghdadi government had sunk low indeed.

The Qarmatian state in Bahrain invaded Iraq in 927. Holding Kufa, they advanced north toward Baghdad. The Caliph’s commander, Munis the eunuch, chose to use geography to push them back. He sent his men to destroy both bridges and canals along the Tigris, so that the land flooded. This worked on the Tigris and saved Baghdad—but the Qarmatians moved to the Euphrates and plundered all of its cities unopposed. They retreated in 928, strengthened by Iraqi sympathizers.

In 930, the Qarmatians did the most shocking thing of all. They invaded Mecca and among the damage they inflicted on it, they wrenched the Black Stone out of the Ka’abah. They rode back to Bahrain with it, then held it for ransom. They kept it in al-Hasa, their capital, until 952, when it was finally ransomed for a huge sum of silver.

The Qarmatians lost steam suddenly after 931 when their ruler Abu Tahir thought he had found the Mahdi returned to life. This young man, the would-be Mahdi, ruled for about three months, but he was a disaster. Personally, he was not a Muslim, but a Zoroastrian! He demanded fire worship, burned Islamic books, and executed Bahrani nobles, including members of Abu Tahir’s family. Abu Tahir’s brother killed the fake Mahdi. Qarmatian power continued in Oman and Bahrain (and they still held onto the Black Stone), but the movement’s appeal to the wider public was over.

All this Qarmatian chaos, especially the theft of the Black Stone from Mecca, destabilized the Caliph and his commander Munis. Perhaps the Caliph blamed Munis for his choice not to actually fight the Qarmatians. Muqtadir got soldiers to try to force Munis out, but Munis had his own loyalists. The two sides fought, and Muqtadir was killed in front of the city gates. Munis installed his brother, who ruled for six months.

Baghdad’s power was nominal from this time, and although the Caliphs continued in name, they cease to be the main story from this time. But before going into the other rising story lines, I want to take a moment and look at the prominent cultural developments during Muqtadir’s years.

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Iranian Independence, 861

A humble family in Afghanistan gave four sons to the Ayyars, a particularly Persian class of warrior, and one of them rose to become the Emir of Sistan within a fairly short time. This was Yaqub ibn Layth, also known as al-Saffar, so that his dynasty is the Saffarids. Iran was already semi-independent, so at first it didn’t affect Baghdad much. But Yaqub was an energetic conqueror who began re-creating the old Persian kingdom, so the Saffarids became an effective rival.

The Caliph in Baghdad was impressed with Emir Yaqub’s initiative to fight with Kharijites (those Rejectionists who were always bucking authority) in Iran. But Yaqub’s challenge to Baghdad was cultural as well as political, and it began early when he sent a poem in Persian to the Caliph. In his court at Zaranj, he insisted on using the Persian language.

Emir Yaqub conquered more of Afghanistan, finally subduing some Buddhist princes who had held out against Islamic conversion. He took control of a valley where silver is mined and immediately began minting his own coins. Then he conquered the semi-independent rulers in Nishapur, which left him ruling all of Afghanistan and Iran. In the 870s, he pushed his boundaries westward to take the Persian heartland of Fars from Abbasid governors.

Caliph Mutamid led a large army to meet Yaqub’s forces about 50 miles southeast of Baghdad. Here, the Abbasids had the home advantage: they used the Tigris to flood the land behind the Saffarids, cutting off their retreat, in addition to making attacks from boats, which the Persians in this case didn’t have. The Abbasid victory was decisive, but it was not enough to overthrow the Yaqub, only to force him to retreat.

Yaqub died of illness a few years later, and his brother Amr inherited his power. Amr and the next Caliph, Mutadid, negotiated a working partnership. Iran and Afghanistan were too far away for Baghdad to effectively defend them. Abbasids had tried out splitting the territory between brothers, but that didn’t work. Their best solution was to make an alliance with whoever ruled this far-off territory. By 897, Baghdad had formally handed over all of the east to Amr al-Saffari.

A rival Iranian dynasty that managed the Transoxiana region went to war against Amr al-Saffair, and he was captured. In 902, he was executed. This should have been the end of the Saffarids, but it wasn’t. Amr’s grandson had been governing the city of Merv, and he moved to take power. He ruled with the help of his brother, but it was always a fight against the rival dynasty, the Samanids. This is how it went on until 913, when the Samanids took over.

By 922, however, another generation of Saffarid descendants was back in power in Zaranj. Two rulers, Ahmad and his son Khalaf, ruled Iran until 1002, when a new dynasty took over. But no matter the dynasty—Samanid, Saffarid, or Ghaznid—Iran and Afghanistan remained essentially independent of Baghdad permanently. Arabic language became an academic study, as it still is, not an active language of government.

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the Zanj Uprising, 869-83

Arab explorers and traders established ports and bases along Africa’s southeastern coast; a favorable wind pattern made it easy to sail from there to India, where they traded regularly. The Bantu-speaking tribes who settled southern Africa were mostly cattle herders with local, tribal government, in other words, sitting ducks for capture by slave traders. Millions of Africans were carried into other parts of the world, mostly into the Arab-Muslim heartland, but also to farther-away spots, often as gifts. There is still a black minority in most Muslim countries: Afro-Kuwaitis, Afro-Iranians, Afro-Turks, and, to the point at the moment, Afro-Iraqis.

In that region of Africa today, there is still an Arabic-speaking community centered around Dar es-Salaam. The Zanzibar region’s name is from Persian “black coast.” In this way, “Zanj” became the Arabic term for black Africans.

Basra, perched at the top of the Arabian/Persian Gulf, was a hub of the slave trade. It also needed slaves to work the salt out of marshlands. Valuable salt could be extracted and worthless salty topsoil removed, both grueling, laborious tasks. Additionally, there was a time when date and sugar were grown with plantation-style labor. So the area around Basra itself took in a huge number of Zanj Bantu-speaking slaves.

Slavery in the Muslim world was not racially-based like US Southern slavery, nor were slaves’ children necessarily slaves. Devout Muslim slaves were often freed, and pious Arab owners were encouraged to free slaves, though owning them had no stigma. We’ve already seen that among the Shi’ite descendants of Ali, they often chose to marry a pious slave so as to reinforce Muhammad’s message against social class stratification. Eventually, an area like Basra that had many African slaves would simply have many African-descent residents, but they would always stand out as outsiders. Afro-Iraqis today, who may still keep up a few African customs, say that they are an oppressed minority.

In the 9th century, the Zanj had close ties to Africa, being first or second generation and still mostly slaves. Their work was horrible; in spite of the difference between our past slavery and the Muslim model, it was probably at this time pretty close to the worst Deep South plantations. Basra, being a garrison city from way back, didn’t have a hard time keeping them under control, but during the period when the Caliphs were in Samarra and often fighting among themselves, who was going to keep Basra in line?

Around 863, a man named Ali rose to prominence in the Arab heartland. He was a man of his times, for sure. Nobody really knows what his family background was, some mix of Arab and Persian. He lived in Iran for a while, then in Samarra where he got to know a number of Turkish slave-soldiers. He moved to Bahrain, where he told people he was descended from Ali’s son Zayd. There were still groups of Shi’ites who believed Zayd’s line had the right to be Imams, so he gathered a following and began a rebellion, even collecting taxes in his own name for a while.

Ali moved to Basra, where an abortive rebellion got him arrested and moved to Iraq. While living in Baghdad, he realized that rebellion conditions in Basra were improving. On his return to Basra, he appealed to the thousands of Zanj, many of whom had adopted Islam. He spoke as a representative of the Prophet’s family. They didn’t accept him, but the Zanj didn’t know that.

Ali preached the same slogans as the Kharijites, the egalitarian anti-authority rebel movement that began in 657. Kharijites believed that the lowliest devout Muslim could decide matters as well as the Caliph or a scholar. It was always an appealing philosophy to the poor and all sorts of minorities. A variety of people joined Ali’s rebellion, though the largest number of them were Zanj, so we call it the Zanj Rebellion.

They fought guerilla-style, raiding at night, burning buildings and stealing arms. The war went on from 869 till 883, and the Zanj made some serious gains. At this same time, Ibn Tulun in Egypt was going independent. In Khurasan, an Iranian named Amr ibn al-Layth rebelled and was able to carve out a pretty large section of the east as an independent Emirate from 879 until 909, when his grandson was defeated. The Caliph’s forces could not fight all of these at once.

The high point of the Zanj Rebellion saw them winning the Battle of Basra in 871. They looted and burned the city, freely massacring its citizens. After this, they occupied most of southern Iraq, put together a small navy, and built their own capital city near Basra. In 883, the Caliph’s forces defeated them at this new city, The leader, Ali, was killed or captured, and the surviving fighters surrendered. Southern Iraq was in ruins: fields burnt, towns destroyed, many killed. For some time to come, famine and poverty followed the rebellion.

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Ahmad ibn Tulun in Egypt, 868-905

Among the Turkish slave officers in Baghdad and Samarra was a Uyghur named Tulun, whose son Ahmad received a good Islamic education and became a protégé of one of the top Turkish generals. Of course he joined the army, where he served with distinction. In 868, the Turkish general was given the oversight (and tax revenues) of Egypt, so he sent Ahmad ibn Tulun to be the governor while he himself remained in Samarra.

These were years of great instability, and in Egypt as well. Ibn Tulun spent four years struggling to remove rivals who wanted to grant him partial control, while they kept a hand on the revenue. A number of revolts, purportedly led by descendants of Ali, had to be fought down, and at one point, the Caliph requested Ibn Tulun to march into Syria and conquer a spin-off Bedouin rebel state. To make that happen, Ibn Tulun purchased 40,000 African and “Roman” (Greek, Slavic, etc) slaves to train as soldiers. With his original Turkish corps of 20,000+, he now had a very large army. He also kept a personal bodyguard of Afghanis.

Where to house all of these soldiers? The original Medinat al-Fustat had been expanded with an Umayyad-era al-Askari (“ask” means soldier), but to find more housing, he built a new al-Qata’i (Quarters) to the north. Each unit received a plot of land to build their barracks and houses, and he also planned civic things like a race track and a hospital. Most famously, he also built there a mosque. (Personally, he enjoyed living in a nearby Christian monastery.)

The mosque was designed in a specific style that imitated Samarra, but its architect was a Christian. I couldn’t find much on him, and his name sounded Arabic, but he also designed a still-functioning Nilometer so he must have been a native Egyptian. This is the Nilometer on the Island of Roda in Cairo, built in 861. Measuring the Nile—and all things measurement—remained a native Egyptian/Coptic specialty for a long time after the Arab conquest.

Ibn Tulun followed the old plan of building the mosque right next to his palace, with a door that permitted him to enter without going into the street. The mosque was huge, with four domed halls around the open courtyard; under one of the domes there was a huge marble fountain. The minaret was built with an external spiral staircase leading to the top, like one in the new/current capital of Samarra. The palace was torn down by the following century, when the Fatimids rebuilt everything, but they preserved the mosque.

At a time when the Caliphs in Samarra were unable to pay their troops, where did Ibn Tulun get all this cash? These were good years for Nile floods, so agricultural revenues were high. In the south (Upper Egypt), they had discovered gold and emerald mines. Gold and gem mines always bring a rush of immigrants; in this case they were Arabic-speaking newcomers who contributed to the ongoing Arabization of Egypt.

By this time, Egyptians who spoke Coptic at home had learned Arabic at school and work, and in the cities some stopped speaking Coptic altogether. In spite of this Arabization, Ibn Tulun was good to religious minorities, especially the Christians. Churches and synagogues could be rebuilt, and persecution stopped. We see this cycle a lot in Egyptian history: the religious minorities are typically needed by a government whose power is new, whereas in a later stage, the same government may not need their support and use them as scapegoats. Ibn Tulun wanted, and received, their support.

Back in Samarra, Caliph Mu’tamid’s brother usurped much of his power. The brother lived in Baghdad, running day to day affairs as commander of the army, and he wanted equal or greater shares of tax revenue to be directed to him, not to the Caliph in Samarra. Ibn Tulun resisted this directive, and when the brother required an oath of allegiance to himself as Regent, ibn Tulun refused. The Caliph’s brother withdrew ibn Tulun’s appointment, and of course ibn Tulun didn’t obey but prepared for war. He built new fortresses and his own fleet of warships. It worked; the Abbasid general sent to suppress him backed off.

Now ibn Tulun had all the apparatus of independent governing. He decided to deal with disarray in Syria by leading his army north and taking it over. He stayed on in Syria for a year, solidifying his control. When he came home, he began minting coins in his own name, though with the legitimate Caliph’s name included.

Ibn Tulun died of illness in 882. His second son inherited great wealth and became Emir after him. Sensing an opportunity, Baghdad’s forces tried to take back Syria, but they failed. Ibn Tulun’s son even extended his authority into Iraq. His successes forced the Abbasids to negotiate with him, and in 886, al-Muwaffaq recognized Egypt as independent.

In 892, ibn Tulun’s granddaughter married the Abbasid Caliph Mu’tadid. Her dowry was a million dinars, a very high price to pay for the honor. Would ibn Tulun himself have paid so much for an honor that might not do his family much good in the end? He was probably too practical and strategic. But ibn Tulun’s younger sons and grandsons were not effective rulers. They were mostly controlled by their huge African and Turkish slave armies. The nascent dynasty faltered and its power shrank. In 905, only about twenty years after ibn Tulun’s death, an Abbasid general conquered the last Tulunid and brought Egypt back into the Abbasid fold.

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9th Century Astronomy

There was always a very strong link between mathematics and astronomy in the ancient world. In Baghdad’s scholarly library, they collected astronomical calculations and theories from Greek literature (bought from Constantinople) that was based on earlier Babylonian work. They also brought in Sanskrit astronomy books from India. The Indian mathematical system may have come first from these astronomy books. Arabic and Persian translators absorbed them, and as they came to understand the numerical system, they wrote explanatory texts.

Ancient people focused on understanding and predicting the movement of the stars and planets so that they could mark days and hours of religious observance. Although beliefs varied, the general sense that God was looking down through the stars, and could only be known by studying them, seems universal. Astrology was part of astronomy; when it eventually came into Europe via Arabic science, it was taken to be as factual as the movements of the planets.

Greek scientists invented the astrolabe to use the stars to locate exactly where one stood on earth. Knowledge of the astrolabe persisted as the culture shifted to Byzantine dominance, and at least one work about it appeared in Syriac. Of course, these books came to Baghdad. Muslims had an additional religious belief to accommodate; they wanted to face the Kaaba in Mecca when they prayed.

The later “mariner’s astrolabe” for use at sea was not yet invented, and the general type seems to have been round, not a quarter-circle as later adopted in Europe. (I only wish I could explain these to you for real, but I don’t understand what an astrolabe does.)

The basic instrument was the round, flat mater, shaped like a shallow dish, with interchangeable plates called tympans. Each was made for a specific latitude and engraved with circles for altitude and azimuth. “Azimuth” is an Arabic word, a Muslim/Persian improvement. The top plate, the rete, was curiously cut so as to turn freely and point out significant stars. The mater’s edge had markings for hours and degrees; there was often a rotating straight-edge rule, too. A device on the back, the alidade, was used to sight stars; the back was also engraved with tables for calculation.

Baghdad’s scholarly library became the new center for astronomical research. Persian science (cf. “the Magi of the East”) had already been advanced. Now they translated Euclid and Ptolemy, updating the more ancient works with commentaries. (They thought Ptolemy was a Pharaoh.) They also resurrected a Greek idea for a celestial globe and created a spherical astrolabe.

Making the astrolabe in bronze or brass, not wood, was another significant improvement. Made of metal, it didn’t warp; it was more accurate, not to mention longer-lasting. The earliest extant metal astrolabe was found in Spain and dated to the Umayyad era when Cordoba was the capital.

Umayyad Spain was, of course, the entry point for the new wave of astronomical science to enter Europe. In cities like Barcelona, the new Arabic treatises could be translated into Latin. That’s why we sometimes note that Greek texts were preserved only through Arabic; the great Library of Alexandria held originals, but it burnt down; while later the House of Wisdom in Baghdad was destroyed by Mongols. The Latin translations of the Arabic translations are sometimes all we have left, preserved at cathedral schools and monastic libraries.

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Arabic Numerals in the 9th Century

Our digital numeral system came first from India, but spent a long time as the dominant system in the Arabic kingdoms before entering Latin and Europe. The numbers are Arabic by adoption, Indian by birth.

The Jain sect in India believed that numbers were divine; I don’t know much about their work, which may have been going on since BC years. We know that by the time Arab invaders took Sanskrit mathematics books to Baghdad for translation, the concepts of place value and equations were established and explored. Most writing systems of the time used their alphabetic letters to stand for numbers, or else they used some form of a tally-mark system. The Indian system used only 10 symbols and, significantly, included zero. I wonder sometimes if kids in first and second grade would find their work more interesting if it was presented as it came in history: a stunning breakthrough that had taken mankind several millennia to produce, and changed the world ever after.

The figures in early Sanskrit books are similar to our numbers, but not the same. They’re similar in that they aren’t letters and they aren’t based on tally marks. You can see a table of their evolution here.

Sanskrit books referred to solving equations as “pulverizing” them: you started with a lot of stuff that had to be ground down by processes, like crushing grain or sanding wood. At the end, the finished product stood alone: a number, instead of a sculpture or an iron nugget. When these books were translated into Arabic at the Baghdad House of Wisdom (late 700s), Persian astronomers picked up the system quickly.

Al-Khwarizmi is the most famous mathematician of the new, early system. He mastered the Indian ideas and wrote treatises to explain how to use them. When his name was translated into Latin much later, it came out as Algorithmus. His treatise was titled Al-Jabr, The Transformations. This title went into Latin as algebra. But nobody translated Al-Jabr into Latin for a long time. It’s not clear at what point negative numbers were recognized. They’re not in Al-Khwarizmi’s book.

A great deal of complex mathematics was in experimental stages in Baghdad and Alexandria, insulated from Europe by the Arabic language. Arabic merchants were now using the digit system for everyday calculation. There were two key points when Europeans entered the Arabic world, learned the number system, and brought it back into Latin. Muslim Spain was the first point of contact, in the 900s. (more later)

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