Pilgrims and Maps

Geographical maps are extremely important in our world. Everyone owns some kind of map, even a redneck yahoo with a state map in his glove compartment. Maps have been part of our culture so long that we can’t conceive of a mapless world.

Medieval Europe in the 11th century was essentially map-free. There were some beautifully-painted maps (website here devoted to showing you some of the nicest ones). There were, in rare places, some loosely accurate ones; these were only local. (For example, the map website shows a mosaic-tile map of the region around the church.) Much later, when more people were traveling on pilgrimages, some “maps” showed them the road the way they’d actually experience it: as a linear string of places. The most accurate maps were those used by Mediterranean ships, and they weren’t accurate in our sense. They were accurate in that they correctly aided the pilot to reach one harbor from another; they didn’t look down like a satellite.

Maps were usually conceptual in a way that our modern world can’t appreciate. One conceptual layout literally looked like the letters T and O. Here’s a typical T-O map that suggested how Asia, Europe and Africa related. North is off to the left; the north-at-top mapping convention didn’t exist. Some T-O maps prominently featured Jerusalem at the center; it was the spiritual center and, at the same time, roughly at the T-intersection of a T-O map. It was impossible to tell relative size from T-O maps.

Pragmatic distance was expressed in terms of time, typically walking time or the average sailing speed. Every peasant or townsman knew how much of a day would be taken up in getting to the next town or the lord’s castle. Some who owned horses knew how long it would take to ride, probably at a walk or trot, to a farther town. Peddlers and minstrels knew many such distances and directions. But most people did not leave their immediate neighborhood. Farm to town, back to farm. Village to village. Home to church. A far distance meant several days of walking, which few could afford unless the travel was itself their livelihood.

So nobody had any idea how far it was from Paris to Rome. Marine pilots knew how large the Mediterranean was, but they had little sense of land distances. Very few even of them could have suggested how long it would take a Crusader in Normandy to arrive at Constantinople. Jerusalem, apart from being the center of the world, was completely unknown to all but a very few.

The lack of mapping comprehension is very important for understanding what happened when the ordinary people heard pilgrimage sermons. Their usual pilgrimages were to regional sites, if they went at all: Frenchmen went to Tours or Compostela; the privileged few went to Rome. Villagers went to the local abbot’s grave; one region in France honored a dog as a saint, and people carried gifts and sick babies to the dog’s grave.

Pilgrimages to the actual Holy Land were as far beyond their comprehension as astronomical distances are to most of us. Jerusalem was very far away, for sure. It might even take a fortnight to walk there! Nay, says another peasant, I’ve heard that if you walked a year and a day, you’d not reach it. Nonsense, says another, it’s just on the other side of Rome, and the bishop himself went to Rome and back in one month. If someone had blindfolded a French or German peasant and forced him to walk for one week, then uncovered his eyes and said, “Behold, the Holy Land!” he’d probably have fallen to his knees in awe, even if he was looking only at Mainz or Marseille. They were like children who dig a hole to China.

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Monastic Ideal and the Popular Spiritual Vacuum

We’ve been talking about 11th century Europe in terms of its political strife and church reform movements at the top. To understand the next event in the new Crusade, we have to look at the vacuum left among the common people.

The recent Popes had been monks of the Cluniac variety, referring to the Benedictine monastery founded in 910 in Cluny, France. As yet, there were no other orders of monks; all Western monasteries followed the Order of St. Benedict, laid down in pre-medieval times. It stipulated what a monk could own, wear and eat; at what hours the monastic community must gather for prayer; and other aspects of life. Ordination as a monk meant giving up most rights to choice. The ideal was to leave the world, deny oneself, and center each day around prayer. Every monk who left the world and went into a cloister helped to save society by keeping a continual prayer rising to God.

Over time, Benedictine monasteries had grown somewhat slack. Property left in exchange for prayers for the dead made the monastery, if not the individual monk, rich. This land was often controlled by a secular ruler who became the de facto ruler of the monastery. Some monks took concubines and nobody did anything about it.

The monastery at Cluny was stricter; it returned to the original Rule of Benedict in the most literal sense. Most importantly, the Abbot at Cluny was responsible only to the Pope. The 11th century Cluniac monks who became Popes were fiercely opposed to any secular or state control over the church. But at the same time, they also upheld the ideal of holiness as withdrawal from the world and giving up sex. By the 11th century, many of them were agitating for all priests to conform to the Rule of Benedict; at that time some local priests were married.

The battle against state control and “the world” was the Big Question of the time, and little attention was given to what non-monks should be doing. Obviously, if everyone became a monk, society would come to an end. But the monastic ideal suggested that everyone else could go on living while the monasteries would be spiritual on their behalf. Ordinary people were to follow the Sacraments (baptism, Mass, confession, marriage if financially possible, last rites) and go about their business in a non-blasphemous way. While this was enough for most people, it left some feeling like there should be more. If they couldn’t go into monasteries, but wanted to be holier, what was left? Eventually, this vacuum contributed to the Cathar religious movement and then to the Protestant Reformation/Revolution. But for now, it just hung in the air, unstated.

I read somewhere recently that in order to get a bill passed into law, you have to use overkill and oversell. Not passing the bill has to be portrayed as the worst thing ever, while passing it would solve everything. That’s the process Pope Urban II embarked on. He needed to unite Europe, swaying the French and Norman kings to jettison their German-led loyalty to the other Pope. He needed to inspire the wealthy aristocrats to give large gifts and become leaders. He had to inspire them to leave their homes and go to likely deaths, as well, by entering a voluntary foreign war. In the Pope’s new sermon series, not going on this pilgrimage meant permitting unspeakable horrors, while going meant instant salvation and eternal glory.

The process of overkill and oversell worked too well. We’ve already seen how many of Europe’s second rank of royalty joined up; but the sermons preached in public reached other ears. Some of the listeners chose to boost the Pope’s signal by carrying the message of salvation by pilgrimage to everyone, not just to the royal courts. When the Byzantine Emperor sent his request for help to Pope Urban II, he lost control of the message as the Pope worked it into his own goals. Now, the Pope lost control of the message as the people of Europe took up a new cry: salvation by pilgrimage! God wills it!

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The Crusading Counts of Boulogne

Nobility on crusade, pt. 2

During the same period that Norman knights were conquering Sicily and parts of Italy, the Duke of Normandy conquered the island nation of England. The Anglo-Saxons continued to use the traditional Germanic war method of the shield wall, while the Norman lords had begun fight on horseback. It’s likely that Norman knights adopted horseback fighting after seeing their Saracen enemies in Spain, Italy and Sicily fight this way. Their ability to rain blows on the enemy from the height of a horse was a tactical advantage.

But at a key point in the Battle of Hastings, Duke William’s horse was killed by an arrow or spear. The Duke was left to fight on foot. One of the Duke’s liege lords, the Count of Boulogne, dismounted and gave his horse to the Duke, who continued to victory. The Count of Boulogne is also given credit for being one of those who eventually found and slew the English king. He was richly rewarded for his loyal service, although he stayed on the continent.

Boulogne-sur-Mer is on the coast of the English Channel, across from Dover. It is an important fishing town, but it also controls access to crossing the Channel. It was just part of Flanders until the 11th century’s sudden rise in Norman power, when it was elevated to its own County. The Counts of Boulogne were in the second rank of aristocracy just below royalty.

Eustace II married the daughter of the Duke of Lorraine, a province on the French-German border. They may have been the richest family in Western Europe at the time. Countess Ida endowed several monasteries as well as the Cathedral of Notre Dame de la Mer in Boulogne.

Eustace and Ida had three sons: Eustace, Godfrey, and Baldwin. It seems to have been a close and happy family; Ida is remembered as breast-feeding her own babies, so they were likely to have grown up together as well, not farmed out to separate nannies. Eustace inherited his father’s County as the IIIrd of that name, but Godfrey and Baldwin were at first landless.

Then Ida’s brother died childless and left Lower Lorraine to Godfrey. Henry IV, the Holy Roman Emperor and King of Germany, refused to give all of the land to Godfrey. He let him have the city of Bouillon and demanded that Godfrey fight in his wars to prove loyalty for the rest. So Godfrey fought for Henry IV in Italy, helping to capture Rome and depose the Pope. Eventually Henry IV rewarded him with most of Lorraine, but Godfrey became known in history by the town of Bouillon: Godfrey of Bouillon.

All three brothers took part in the First Crusade. There is no greater sign of wealth than for all three heirs of a family to go on Crusade. A commander was more important in the Crusade as he brought more fighting men. It meant equipping their own personal troops, made of minor knights from around Flanders and Lorraine. Eustace, Godfrey and Baldwin were all commanders.

Eustace’s daughter married a Norman, son of the Count of Blois, who was born in France but went to England with Duke William. The younger Count of Blois was also a grandson of William the Conqueror and became King for a short time, so Eustace’s daughter was briefly a Queen.

Godfrey and Baldwin both became Kings of Jerusalem. When the Crusaders needed to establish governance in the territory they won, monarchy was their only model and they had to choose someone among themselves. Godfrey and Baldwin were not brothers of Kings, but they were independently wealthy and had gained status during the fighting. So in time, the Boulogne family became ancestors of all of the colorful, eccentric, short-lived Crusader-Jerusalem “royalty.”

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Nobility on Crusade, 1095-6

Pope Urban II appointed a bishop, Adhemar of Monteil, Bishop of Le Puy, as his official legate, or representative on the official mission. Adhemar had been to the Holy Land, and recently; he knew what Seljuk Muslim Palestine was like. He led the official First Crusade made up of well-armed and disciplined noblemen. He was himself the younger son of a Frankish noble family, so his training and manners fit well with his role of diplomacy among counts and kings.

The choice to follow Adhemar on what was officially billed as a “pilgrimage” was also a test of loyalty to Pope Urban II. Anyone could travel to the Holy Land, but only those approved by Urban were official crusaders with the promise of absolved sin. The King of Germany was not going to bow the knee to Urban in order to go along. He still stubbornly recognized only his own appointed Pope Clement III. His distant cousin, King Philip of France, also chose not to go. He was under ban of excommunication concerning his second wife Bertrade, who was actively bearing him children while he was in his 50s. In order to make peace with the Pope he had to divorce her, so he chose to stay home. William II, King of England, was not free to go, although an active King of England (his great-grandnephew Richard I) participated in a later crusade.

The next rank of royalty made up most of the First Crusade. Philip’s younger brother Hugh Count of Vermandois was one of the leaders. Hugh was not a skilled warrior, and like Philip he was getting on in years and had gained weight. But he had what mattered most: a large feudal estate that could afford the cost and manpower of raising a private army. The current Duke Robert of Normandy was younger brother to the King of England. He was another middle-aged knight, no longer at the top of his form, but with plenty of feudal ties to exploit and money to spend. But both Normandy and France had previously endorsed the anti-Pope, Clement III. In order to bask in the glow of holy war, they had to change their alliance, abandoning the King of Germany to his private pout.

The chief ruler of southern Italy, a Norman named Bohemund, was one of the Pope’s newer allies. He was the son of Robert Guiscard, the fiercest Norman brigand to invade Sicily and Italy. Robert conquered most of southern Italy, styling himself Count of Apulia and leaving his son as Prince of Taranto. Robert and Bohemund were both involved in the Norman attempt to help a Byzantine prince regain the throne, so they had previously traveled and fought in what’s now Croatia and Serbia. They had met– and were enemies of — the reigning Byzantine Emperor, but alliances could shift very quickly and easily sometimes. Bohemund was all in favor of boosting Pope Urban’s power base and converting his part of Italy to Roman Catholicism; “saving” the Byzantine Emperor was the new way of fighting against him, that’s all.

Raymond IV Count of Toulouse joined the princes. Toulouse was an independent County for much of the medieval period, often allied against France. Three more Counts joined, bringing in the wealth of Flanders, Blois and Boulogne.

The Count of Boulogne rode with his brothers, and together they became the most famous personalities of the First Crusade. They’re worth looking at on their own, partly because they tell us a lot about the state of governance around 1100, and partly because of their later fame.

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The Council of Clermont: The First Crusade, 1095

There was a second reason for Pope Urban II to announce a new military adventure. We’ve seen the first reason: he was in a high-stakes battle against the kings of France and Germany to retain Europe’s allegiance, after they had supported an alternative Pope. If the Church had to accept the alternative Pope, it meant the Church was not a higher authority than the kings.

But the second reason was that Europe’s homelands had too many trained fighting men. Popes had tried to introduce the idea of “the peace of God,” a vow to maintain domestic peace in a region. Economically, though, it went against the grain. Inheritance of a landed estate by only the eldest son (necessary to fund the military’s need for horses) left many younger sons without independence. When too many of them hung around home, they often rebelled against the family head to take the estate. When too many of them built up in a force around some Count or Baron, they had a great incentive to attack a neighboring lord and redistribute those estates to themselves. When they were attached to no household or lord at all, they tended to stake out a bridge and force people to pay tolls. (The origin of those medieval stories in which a knight won’t let people pass.)

At Clermont, Pope Urban II made a long speech that first recounted all of the Cluniac reforms to separate Church and State. Then he addressed the peacekeeping problem Europe had. Travelers weren’t safe, alliances were constantly threatened, he scolded. What a waste of energy! Instead, he pointed them to a new foreign adventure.

The Pope had no funds to outfit an army to help Emperor Alexios I Komnenos. He had, instead, the power to grant forgiveness of sin and to mesmerize his audience with a vision. The barons and kings of Europe, he said, should stop using their money to buy and sell church influence. Use it to equip knights!

The Pope’s speech was written down in four separate accounts at various times. It was the most famous speech in Europe for centuries. The accounts differ a little, but they all agree that he vividly described the plight of pilgrims who were constantly held hostage for fees, buying themselves out of possible slavery. He described how the Turks despised Christianity and had plundered the churches. He quoted the Bible extensively, fitting his audience into the role of “God’s people” while the Turks were “Gentiles.” His speech wasn’t anti-Jew per se, but he certainly failed to take the Jewish point of view into account. It’s perhaps one time when the phrase “cultural appropriation” has a point.

The Pope had already appointed a Papal Legate (lawyer/agent) to command the army. He gave the knights one year to set their affairs in order and assemble in August 1096. He offered them unconditional forgiveness for going, but severe condemnation if they turned back. He declared spiritual condemnation for anyone who messed with the property or families of a pilgrim knight.

In one swoop, Pope Urban II established his authority, took a step toward Church reunification, dazzled medieval minds with visions of angels and miracles, drained Europe of surplus men and money, and tempted French and German knights to stop supporting their kings (who were *not* invited). It worked; the audience took up a cry of “Deus vult!” and began making pilgrim vows on the spot.

His speech began with strong statements of Cluniac reform: against the influence of money in the church, against state control, against worldly bishops appointed by kings. Then he moved to what we’d call the “money quote,” pulled out in large type to catch the eye:

“Although, O sons of God, you have promised more firmly than ever to keep the peace among yourselves and to preserve the rights of the church, there remains still an important work for you to do. Freshly quickened by the divine correction, you must apply the strength of your righteousness to another matter which concerns you as well as God.

“For your brethren who live in the east are in urgent need of your help, and you must hasten to give them the aid which has often been promised them. For, as the most of you have heard, the Turks and Arabs have attacked them and have conquered the territory of Romania [the Greek empire] as far west as the shore of the Mediterranean and the Hellespont, which is called the Arm of St. George. They have occupied more and more of the lands of those Christians, and have overcome them in seven battles. They have killed and captured many, and have destroyed the churches and devastated the empire. If you permit them to continue thus for awhile with impurity, the faithful of God will be much more widely attacked by them.

“On this account I, or rather the Lord, beseech you as Christ’s heralds to publish this everywhere and to persuade all people of whatever rank, foot-soldiers and knights, poor and rich, to carry aid promptly to those Christians and to destroy that vile race from the lands of our friends. I say this to those who are present, it meant also for those who are absent. Moreover, Christ commands it.”

He promised instant forgiveness of sin to anyone who died in the attempt to fulfill his request. Pope Urban II may not have known just what a tidal wave he was triggering, but he had a Bishop already appointed as spiritual military commander. He set a starting date for August, 1096.

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The Council of Piacenza, 1095: Politics Just Before the First Crusade

We remember the Council of Clermont, in 1095, as the launchpad of the First Crusade. But in order to understand why the Crusade was called, we need to look at the Council of Piacenza, held earlier in the same year.

Pope Gregory VII had died shortly after Norman mercenaries drove the King of Germany and his counter-Pope out of Rome. There was a short-lived Pope who doesn’t really enter into our story, and then in 1088, one of Gregory VII’s closest allies became Pope by popular acclaim, just as Gregory had done. The people of Rome were in favor of Papal power and against the Papacy being controlled by the Franks. So when they chose a Pope in this period, it was sure to be an opponent of the French and German kings. The new Pope took the name Urban II.

Urban II took up Gregory VII’s battles, including the counter-Pope who was still around. He held a series of church-wide councils to establish broad support for his own Papacy and Gregory’s reforms. It’s worth noting how important these assemblies were, even in times when monarchy was the normal form of secular government. Many early principles of self-government were worked out in the Church during the medieval centuries. Here, it wasn’t democracy, but the Popes used the apparent will of the people to leverage power against the kings.

By 1093, Urban II had gained such power that he supported the King’s son of Germany in a rebellion against his father, crowning Prince Conrad as “King of the Romans.” He also excommunicated King Philip I of France for divorcing his first wife, Bertha, and remarrying another man’s wife, Bertrade. (Philip, you will recall, was the son of Anne of Kiev.) Additionally, he supported England’s Archbishop Anselm of Canterbury in rebelling against the new Norman dynasty to keep church power separate from the state.

In late 1094, Pope Urban began a formal tour of France and Italy so as to re-establish his personal authority in each locality. At the end, he called many of the people he’d met to come to a Council at Piacenza, Italy. The agenda was to discuss and ratify papal decisions from the past year, but the meeting also served as a royal court. The Pope was not a king but wanted to be acknowledged as even higher than a king. Foreign ambassadors came to address the assembly.

Philip I sent a petition to have his excommunication revoked, but he was denied (unless he repented very soon). The Pope was determined to show himself master over the King of France.

There was even worse in store for the King of Germany. Henry IV had married Anne of Kiev’s niece Eupraxia of Kiev as his second wife. She was the widow of one of his nobles in Saxony, and she probably preferred to enter a convent, which is where Henry met her. However, she consented to a second marriage and was crowned Queen Adelaide. It was a terrible match; by the time Henry was taking his army into Italy, she had to be held prisoner. About a year before the Council of Piacenza, she escaped from his household and fled to Henry’s greatest enemy, the widowed Countess Matilda who claimed much of the same territory. She gave birth to a baby boy who did not live long.

Now, at the Council, Queen Adelaide/Eupraxia stepped forward to make a public accusation. She claimed that far from being the righteous Catholic that the Holy Roman Emperor claimed to be, he had joined a weird cult and forced her to participate in sex orgies and black magic. Further, both Adelaide and Prince Conrad, Henry’s son of his first marriage, claimed that he had even offered his second wife sexually to Conrad. Conrad professed that he had been terribly shocked and not at all tempted, and that it was the reason he rebelled against his father. It’s not clear what the Council did about any of this.

But soon after, the Pope could appear at the height of his power over the kings. Not to them, but to him, to Pope Urban II, came the Byzantine ambassadors. They brought a request from Emperor Alexios I Komnenos for mercenaries to help fight the Turks.

Alexios Komnenos had recently won a huge battle against a nomadic tribe, the Pechenegs, who had been in the region for centuries and had fought on any side they were paid to fight on. When they heard that Constantinople was weak, the whole tribe came with their carts, tents, and flocks. Along the way, they pillaged Byzantine farms for supplies. They had heard correctly that the Emperor was in a weak state; the Byzantine army was not strong enough to fight off even this rabble. But Alexios Komnenos took some of his stored gold and hired another nomadic tribe to join him. They devastated the Pechenegs and all nearby Seljuk Turks.

So Alexios Komnenos was a rising star. He wanted to take back Anatolia from the Turks; it did not yet seem inevitable that that land mass would become “Turkey.” With the Pechenegs dead and few other tribes nearby, his thoughts turned to the despicable Normans who had invaded not long ago in support of another Byzantine would-be Emperor. They were devils, but they fought like madmen. They’d do.

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Another Ismaili split: Nizaris, 1095

Al-Hakim’s son ruled after him, then his grandson al-Mustansir.

Caliph al-Mustansir ruled for sixty years in Cairo, starting when he was only an infant. His reign was the longest among Muslim rulers, but he controlled only Egypt, rather than an empire. And during his years, Egypt fell on very hard times. Between 1065 and 1072, the Nile had seven years of low water, creating poverty and famine. Berber rebellions and raids made things worse. Country villages were abandoned as survivors of famine, plague and raiding moved closer to each other.

Caliph Mustansir’s treasury was drained to pay Turkish mercenaries to fight the Berbers. Perhaps Mustansir’s lowest point was when the mercenaries rebelled and looted the palace and libraries in 1069. The Caliph went into hiding and sent a message to the only man he thought could save him: an Armenian Mamluk general named Badr al-Jamali, who was out on the Fatimid front lines in Syria, trying to hold back Abbasid-serving Turks. Badr led Armenian troops into Cairo, retaking the city in 1074. He became the Vizier, ruler in all but title. For twenty years, Egypt became stable.

But in 1094, both Badr and al-Mustansir died. Badr died first, and provided for his son al-Afdal to succeed him as Vizier. When the Caliph died just months later, al-Afdal seized the moment. The Caliph’s younger son was Afdal’s brother-in-law and under his influence. He placed the young man on the throne, proclaiming him Caliph al-Musta’li. He got all of the nobles to swear allegiance.

Nizar, the older son, had been the designated heir. He fled to Alexandria, where some anti-Badr factions lived. Alexandria proclaimed him Caliph and Imam in 1095. (Archeologists have found a single gold dinar minted for the occasion, with his name on it.) The usual story: a few battles later, Nizar was captured then executed in Cairo.

But this proved to be one of those defining moments in history, when millions of believers throughout Egypt, Syria and Persia refused to countenance what had been done through military strength. Hasan Sabah, chief Ismaili da’i in Persia, immediately announced their support of Nizar’s rights as true Imam. Sabah cut diplomatic ties with Cairo and founded a small Nizari Ismaili state based in mountain strongholds.

Fatimid Ismailis had two splinters at this point, the Druze and the Nizaris. The Druze were insular and secretive, while the Nizaris were still evangelical. Both groups survived by building in mountain strongholds. The Nizari state later began sending out suicide terrorists, the famous Assassins. It wasn’t more than a few years until the first assassinations took place.

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Toledo and the Proto-Crusade, 1085

Before the First Crusade to the Holy Land, the idea of religious war was tried out in Spain.

The Christian kingdoms in the north were, from west to east (left to right): Galicia with two Atlantic borders; Castile and Leon, lined up along the northern Atlantic coast; Navarre and Aragon, along the foothills of the Pyrenees (Aragon was landlocked). Their ruling families were so frequently engaged in fraternal wars that they really needed no outside enemies. Marriages and deaths were constantly uniting and dividing portions of the kingdoms; it’s hard to find a year when no Christian kings were at war with each other.

In 1064, only Aragon was ruled independently; its king, Sancho, accepted the Pope’s offer to send an international contingent of knights to help take back a city on Aragon’s border. The Duke of Aquitaine and some of the Normans who had been invading Italy joined him to besiege and conquer Barbastro. It appears that city was truly sacked in a way that local Muslim and Christian armies did not normally do. Instead of backing off and organizing tribute, the Norman and French knights set about executing, raping, enslaving and burning. Only a year later, the Muslims had recaptured the town; but the siege of Barbastro seems to have been a psychological turning point.

Historians now dispute just how directly the Pope offered his assisance in this first proto-Crusade, but there’s no doubt that the next Pope proclaimed automatic forgiveness of sin to any knights who went to Spain. Pope Gregory VII (who was often at war with the King of Germany) clearly saw the danger of relying too much on the Franks, whether French or German. He was trying to strengthen new ties to support Rome. The Kings of Aragon and Leon vied for who could promise the Pope better support and more loyalty to his reforms. If either of them emerged as a strong Rome supporter, the Pope would be safer.

King Alfonso of Leon-Castile led the next major invasion (apparently without international guests) against the Muslims. The taifa of Toledo was already paying him tribute, and it was not actually hostile to him personally, since he had lived there for a short time to be safe from a losing battle against his brother, the King of Navarre. But after he had consolidated power, he occupied Toledo in 1085 and made it his new capital city, as it had once been the capital of the Visigoths. He quickly appointed one of the Pope’s close associates (a Frenchman, not a Castilian) as Archbishop of Toledo and decreed that churches there must follow the current rites of Rome, not their traditional ones.

The loss of Toledo was a huge blow to the allied Muslim taifas. The emirs of Seville, Toledo, Valencia and Granada faced a problem: would Spain have another international invasion? The emirs could be friendly with Spanish kings; the Emir of Zaragoza apparently stalled one crusade attempt in 1073 by allying with the King of Navarre against the King of Aragon. Nor were these emirs recent immigrants; by 1050 they shared more culture with any other Spanish city than with far-off Muslim places like Egypt. But the nature of territorial war in Spain seemed to be changing. The emirs couldn’t afford to allow Spain to become a bloody international battleground while they used only local forces. They would have to call on international Muslims.

It was a bitter decision because the closest Muslims were Berbers, and importing Berbers had always been a huge mistake. The emirs were aware that mercenaries might take over; but the Emir of Seville is supposed to have said, “it’s better to drive camels in Africa than to herd pigs in Seville.” If he was going to lose power, he would rather be overthrown by Muslims than by savage Normans.

They sent a request to Marrakech, the capital of the Almoravid dynasty. The Almoravids arrived quickly, wearing Tuareg blue veils as a uniform. In 1086, the emirs of several cities and the Almoravids met Alfonso’s army at Badajoz, on the border of modern Portugal. The Arabs later nicknamed the field of battle “al-Zalaka” which means “slippery,” because the ground became so bloody. Alfonso survived but with immense losses; he withdrew to Toledo and did not invade Muslim territory again.

Meanwhile, the Almoravids began overthrowing the same emirs who had invited them. The emirs had become too complacent about religion, too willing to ally with Christians, and too much like city-dwellers who loved luxury, safety, and high taxes. The Emir of Seville was taken captive by Berbers in 1091, the same year that Turks came very close to the gates of Constantinople. He died imprisoned in Morocco in 1095, the same year that the Pope called for the First Crusade to help Constantinople.

In one of the curious twists of history, the Muslim daughter-in-law of the Emir of Seville ended up taking refuge with King Alfonso in Toledo, and she probably became his 3rd wife. Alfonso maintained Toledo’s scholarly library and began a program of translating its works into Castilian (his spoken language) and Latin. He continued to strike Arabic-letter coins. At this point, the Mozarab culture could hardly distinguish between native ideas/images and Arabic ones.

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Church vs. State Rivalry in Europe

We traced earlier how the rise of the Pope’s power was tied to the military support of Charlemagne’s family. But after the land of the Franks broke up for the last time in an inheritance distribution, separate branches of the family ruled in Paris and Aachen. During the 10th and 11th centuries, the German king was stronger than the French king. Most of the German kings were also separately crowned as King of Italy in Pavia.

The north of Italy was still called Lombardy; Pavia was its capital and they still had their historical “Iron Crown” that was used in each coronation ritual. Any King of Germany and Italy also controlled Rome. Being crowned Holy Roman Emperor was a separate deal; it doesn’t seem to have come automatically but had to be negotiated with the Pope in each generation.

In the years leading up to the First Crusade, the balance of power between King and Pope became a crisis. The key problem was that the church drew its financial support from land ownership; a bishop was not only a “Prince of the Church” but also the secular ruler of fairly extensive lands. Remember that government was managed by means of the pyramid of feudalism; each manor was part of a larger unit, and each of these part of a larger region, all under the king. The Church didn’t rule any particular region, but they owned patches of land all through every county and dukedom. Bishops were technically independent, but in fact they were woven all into the governance of a kingdom.

If the King could appoint bishops in his territory, he could make sure that they were agreeable to his rule. It was easiest to appoint younger sons of the local ruling family as bishops. They were already part of society and its structure of loyalty. It was easiest of all if the King/Emperor could appointed the Pope, too, and several of them did, including the Empress who was regent for her son, the future Henry IV.

The Popes began to see the danger of leaning too much on the Franks. If the Pope was entirely dependent on the kings of France and Germany, the Church would cease to have any real meaning. A new Benedictine monastic movement in Cluny, France insisted that the Church must be separate and higher, to honor God.

In the middle of the 11th century, the Pope’s legal adviser and ambassador, Hildebrand, steered Rome through several smaller crises in which the city had elected a different pope from the one appointed by the German Empress. In 1073, during the previous pope’s funeral rites, the people of Rome formed a mob and demanded that Hildebrand himself should become Pope to fight for Roman independence. Hildebrand wasn’t even a priest, but at popular request he was quickly ordained priest, bishop and Pope. Right around this same time, Henry IV became an adult and took power in his own name as King of the Germans.

The new Pope Gregory VII opposed the German King in every way possible. As his most lasting reform, he set up a separate governance structure, the Roman Curia, to elect popes and appoint bishops. It’s hard for us to understand, from our viewpoint, just how important this was in Europe’s history. We associate the Curia with everything old-fashioned, hidden and authoritarian. But in its creation, it was an institution to maintain distance between church and state. It was part of the long European conflict that finally gave us our modern theory of private religion. The young Henry IV knew exactly what was at stake and opposed everything Gregory VII did.

During Henry IV’s 50 year reign, he deposed the Pope *twice* (appointing his own counter Pope) and was excommunicated (twice). The first time, he was still in his early 20s and found a way to turn his excommunication to strategic advantage. He begged the Pope for forgiveness by standing barefoot for 3 days in the snow, outside the castle where the Pope was staying. It was great religious theater, but it also gave him a reason to keep his army stationed nearby. (His later capture of Rome could only be reversed by the Pope’s allies fighting pitched battles.)

The Pope worked on strategies to weaken Henry IV. German aristocrats were generally willing to rebel against their king, who was usually some kind of relative. Also, there was genuine debate over the Emperor’s control of the church. Pope Gregory’s supporters, many of them powerful Cluniac monks, pointed out how morally wrong it was for the church to become a puppet of any state. Various Counts and Dukes began to ally with the Pope. A noble widow, Matilda of Tuscany, could claim the lands of Tuscany, Lorraine and Swabia against the German king’s wishes, so the Pope supported her in this act of rebellion. The Pope also encouraged and allied with the Norman brothers who were storming southern Italy and Sicily.

Gregory VII believed that the Church should be not just independent, but also higher in authority than even the Holy Roman Emperor. He wrote to some of the newly-converted places, seeking to set up feudal vows to Rome in places like Denmark and Hungary. He also wrote to the Byzantine Emperor, trying to solve the schism of the 1050s. He left a mandate for his successors to try to bring the branches of the Church back together, so that it could stand stronger against kings. Henry IV had actually taken money from Constantinople to undermine Rome, which showed just how dangerous it was for the church to be a house divided.

Last, out of Gregory VII’s troubles came an idea of holy war. This Pope had a vision of how all Christendom could come together under the Rome’s authority and push out the invaders. The church could lead by promising forgiveness of sin in exchange for military service, something the German king could never do. Taifa-riddled Spain was a perfect first proving ground.

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Pilgrims in the Holy Land

In the century before the First Crusade, a number of regions had adopted Christianity: Norway, Hungary, Poland, Russia, Bulgaria. During this same time, an abbey of Benedictine monks at Cluny, in Aquitaine, encouraged many people to go on pilgrimages. The newly-converted should go; the guilty should go. Some judges even sentenced aristocrats to go on pilgrimage to atone for murder. The first Christian king of Norway, Olaf Tryggvason, went to Jerusalem as a pilgrim.

In the 11th century, pilgrim travel was at first easier, because they could travel safely in Hungary and Byzantine Anatolia. Anatolia had pilgrim hostels, guides and shrines. It had been solidly Roman and Christian for a long time; some of its cities are cited in the New Testament. The first Christian king of Hungary established a hostel for pilgrims in Jerusalem and moved his administrative capital to be near one of the chief pilgrim roads. This gave him a great deal of contact with other Europeans, important since the Huns had been invading barbarians, themselves, and Stephen wanted to rebrand.

When the Seljuk Turks took over Baghdad in 1055, next they invaded the Armenian mountain kingdom. By 1080, there was an Armenian refugee kingdom in Anatolia, along the coast in Cilicia. Armenians had been among the earliest converts to Christianity, so they were friendly to pilgrims. It wasn’t so bad at the border with Syria, either. Although the crazy Caliph al-Hakim had torn down Constantine’s basilica in Jerusalem, the Fatimids generally favored pilgrim travel.

The other route to the Holy Land was by sea. In Roman times, it was easy to get a ship from Rome to Alexandria or Jaffa. For a long time, Constantinople’s warships kept piracy at bay, but after the Muslim invasion it was harder. By the 11th century, the eastern Mediterranean was also served by Venice, which was nominally under Constantinople. For pilgrims, Venetian ships were the only option. Venice provided some armed protection and charged high fees.

During the late 11th century, both eastern Anatolia and all of Syria/Palestine fell into anarchy and civil war. Pilgrims who made it back to Hungary left warnings for others. With the overland route becoming impossible, only the sea route was left, so its expenses skyrocketed.

This entry ends up being rather frustrating to write, because every source assures me that there were wild rumors and horror stories about dangers to pilgrims, but none cite any actual stories. When the Seljuks took over Jerusalem and realized that rich foreigners had this odd idea that it was their right to cross Turkish lands and visit a Turkish-ruled city, they saw it first as an unwelcome spy op or invasion. Some pilgrims were turned away; others were harassed by robbers and could not get any help from soldier outposts. At other times, the Seljuk governors of Jerusalem permitted pilgrims but made them pay outrageous fees to enter. The Seljuk governors of Jerusalem were often at war with the chiefs of other nearby cities like Aleppo and Damascus.

Some of the horror stories came from Anatolia’s new status as a war frontier.  As the Seljuks and their allies, the Pechenegs, pressed against the Muslim-Byzantine border, Anatolia was no longer peaceful. With armies and battles come plunder, fires, robberies and outlaw bands. Monasteries and churches in Anatolia were burnt and  plundered. Travelers were robbed.

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