At the Close of the 13th Century

Before going on to the momentous events of the 14th Century, let’s look at what Europe and Asia were like in the late 13th. Life was soon to change.

Climate:

First, and at the largest scale, a climatic maximum—-a warm period—was ending. It’s not clear how much of the world had been affected, though it seems logical to say that all of the globe was involved, but “warmth” may not have been the experience of other regions. In Europe, it was warmer and drier for the centuries 950-1250, as it had been also from 250 BC to 400 AD. During the intervening period, 400-950, temperatures seem to have been mostly cooler. Since the period 400-950 was also the time when Europe experienced many large-scale migrations and invasions from Asia, it’s possible that the slight change in the climate made steppe life harsher and pushed people to move away. There is some evidence that China experienced the same climate fluctuations as Europe.

If you were an old man in 1299, the climate didn’t yet feel much different from earlier in your life, but it was soon to change. During the early 1300s, Northern Europe experienced abnormal rains that created widespread and severe famine. By the 1400s, it was palpably colder and we see artists depicting people huddling by fires or skating on rivers. The cold trend continued to worsen, until the time of America’s settling, when it was coldest of all. Since then, we have been in a warming trend, independent of possible human influence.

During the 1300s, the Bubonic Plague began circulating in a newly virulent form, and this may have been influenced by the cooling temperatures. We don’t know how large climatic changes influence life forms at the microscopic level but it’s possible that they do. In Asia, marmots on the northern steppe may have found it too cold, choosing to move a mile south—and pushing other marmots to do the same, until the marmot population around the Silk Road had shifted. This may be why, suddenly in 1330, disease crossed from marmots to humans.

It’s really hard to know how much climate affects human actions. Did the severe cold make the Reformation era’s civil wars harsher? Did the Medieval Warm Period encourage or discourage war? The end of the Warm Period coincided with growth in the iron industry so that by the late medieval years, Europe was deforested, and this pushed innovation toward finding coal.

Empires:

The Muslim world was between empires in 1299. Crusader states had ended, but so had the Baghdad-based Caliphate and its rival Egypt-based Fatimid Caliphate. The Mongolian lords were assimilating, losing touch with each other and becoming less powerful. A Turkish chief named Osman, born in 1280, was starting to dominate neighboring Turkish towns in the former Byzantine heartland. Of course, during the 1300s and 1400s, it grew steadily and became the Ottoman dynasty that would rule the entire Muslim world.

In Europe, a different sort of empire arose. The “Hanseatic League” was first mentioned by name in 1267 document. centered in Lubeck. It began when some merchants in northern Germany negotiated to be exempt from English import tolls in 1175. The League’s economic base was the abundance of cod and herring in the North Atlantic. It became as powerful as a government and maintained its own navy to guard merchant ships. But in 1299, it was still just a few cities seeking a trade advantage by not paying import taxes.

Pope Boniface dominated Europe’s political scene in 1299, having standardized canon law and excommunicated King Philip IV of France. But this would not continue: in the 1300s, Papal power was reduced to dependency on the King of France when the Pope’s residence moved to Avignon. Out of the long crisis of a fractured Papacy, Europeans began to consider how power should be handled, leading to their later studies of political science.

It’s worth noting that in 1299, the most powerful city in Russia was Novgorod, near Estonia and Lithuania. It was governed as a Republic, not as an autocracy. In 1299, nobody could foresee that the impoverished, forested area of Moscow would rise to dominate both Novgorod and Kyiv. In 1299, the Duchy of Muscovy was paying tribute to the Golden Horde based in their city of Sarai. The Duke of Muscovy at that time was the son of Aleksandr Nevsky, hero of Novgorod’s Battle on Ice.

Business

After 1299, the iron industry grew tremendously. In past centuries, they had been finding ways to use water and wind power for iron processing, for example, for the bellows that pushed furnace temperatures ever higher. Higher temperatures allowed more steel production, but they also required even more fuel. At that time, the only fuel was charcoal, made mostly from oak trees. Jean Gimpel, a French historian writing in 1976, estimated that for 50 kilograms of iron, 25 cubic meters of wood had to burn. To put this into more vivid terms, one iron furnace could wipe out 3 square kilometers of forest in one month.

Oak wasn’t used only for charcoal; it was the primary building wood, too. King Edward III’s expansions at Windsor Castle in the mid-1300s used about four thousand oak trees (Gimpel, 79). An average large house used twelve oaks. Ships used the tallest trees, of course, as did bridges and cathedral ceilings. And so wood became increasingly expensive, leading to funerals with rented coffins, houses and carts made from wicker, and a wider search for another fuel.

Coal could be picked up near the surface in some places; by 1299, London was experiencing its first coal smoke pollution. Miners in France were tunneling for deeper coal seams; Paris had already been extensively tunneled to dig out granite for its buildings. But really deep coal mines needed ventilation and water pumps, investments that didn’t come until later. In the 1300s, cities and industries got by on a mix of surface coal and wood.

Modern banking was invented in Italy, starting with the need to fund ships. By 1299, it included investment by shareholding, commercial insurance, and the buying of future crops. English wool was bought in bulk and brought to Northern Italy’s water-powered textile mills. This began to change the relationship of workers to the final product, since textile workers in Florence were specialized in just one step of the process. While Northern Europe was still operating on the feudal system of work-trading obligations, Italy had moved into a modern system of negotiating wages. Some Italian merchants were using Arabic numbers, but in 1299 the city of Florence banned their use, as did other cities.

Food

In 1299, Germans were only starting to export hopped beer. Hops had been just one of many herbal flavorings for ale, but then they found that this bitter herb preserved the ale for up to six months, instead of five days. When the Hanseatic League really got going with making barrels on a massive scale, they carried beer as well as salted herring, and this imported beer started displacing local ale. In 1299, most people still drank local ale flavored with pine needles or mint, or whatever the local “gruit” was.

Fava beans, chickpeas, and lentils were the main food of the poor, with cheap grains like barley and rye. Porridge for the poor was roughly ground and could contain peas, millet, barley, buckwheat, or even chestnuts. Like porridge, food for the poor tended to be boiled. Brewet was a stew of whatever was on hand; the rich didn’t add vegetables, but the poor lived much on cabbage, turnips, onions, carrots and beets. Carrots were purple, and beets could be yellow.

When people ate meat, it was likely to be wild game (deer, hare, boar), poultry (duck, goose), or the two main farm meats: pork and mutton. Cows were not often eaten; in earlier times they had been draft animals, but with more horses about, they could also be used for milk. Milk from cows, sheep, and goats tended to go straight into butter and cheese. A lot of organ meats and butcher’s scraps went into cheap pies.

Carp farming was popular all over France, Germany, and Poland, because the last two centuries of the Warm Period permitted carp to migrate up the Danube River. Carp could grow up to five feet long, a perfect cash crop for feasts. Chains of ponds for sorting the fish as they spawned and grew created artificial marshes in areas that had never had them. Malaria was more prevalent in Central Europe for a while—-but after the 13th century ended, the growing cold ended the carp fad.

By 1299, most of Europe’s farm and town poor considered it enough to have two meals a day. It’s clear that many people went a little bit hungry much of the time. The hearty foods we associate now with German or French country cooking were not yet part of the diet. In Muslim lands, food tended to be more varied, since the Muslim empire had imported eastern plants like dates, rice, sugar, and oranges. Later, these foods were imported to Northern Europe.

Clothing

Wool and linen had always clothed both Europe and the Middle East. During the 11th and 12th centuries, cotton had made its way from Muslim lands into Northern Italy, first as quilt padding, then as spun thread. By the 1100s, cotton fabric increased fashion options, still often appearing as padding, too. It didn’t wear well, compared to wool and linen. There was a higher turnover in weaving new cotton fabric and recycling it via rags into paper.

The Crusades had brought Eastern silk as a luxury into the cold castles and homes of Northern Europe. Silk was not often seen by any but the wealthiest, unless it was in the form of colored embroidery floss. European ladies sewed silk patterns onto woolen cloth. Jewish weavers from Spain and Sicily brought silkworms to Lucca, Italy, and in 1299, silk had not spread farther. Just a few years later, in 1314, war between Lucca and Pisa sent silk-workers to the cities of Florence and Venice as refugees. Gradually, after that, silk became more available and was eventually imported in raw form into other regions of Europe.

The clothing styles of the 1200s were not radically different from those of the 1100s. The basic plan was always a linen under-tunic, either a women’s gown or a men’s long shirt, with a colored wool or silk thing over it. Styles changed slowly and the basic concept of what it meant to get dressed never changed. But during the 1300s, with other aspects of social life shifting faster, styles changed faster. The 14th and 15th centuries had extremes in fashion like very short coats that barely went past the waist and long coats that dragged on the ground.

Hat fashion is a good example: until the 14th and 15th centuries, hats had been practical, like little coifs (shaped like baby bonnets) and basic hoods. But as fashion took over, hoods grew long narrow points that fell almost to the ground—and then someone had the notion of using the face hole as the hat brim, which left the shoulder cape flopping around and the long point wrapped about like a turban. The hat looks just plain silly that way, but paintings attest to its becoming the standard men’s hat for many decades. Women’s hats went to extremes, too, with steeples and horn-like yokes sticking out wider than the body.

Books

The era just ending had been one of conservatism in language. Although Latin out on the street was becoming the separate tongues we recognize today, in writing it was still always written as correct Roman Latin. In England, the court still spoke the Norman French of the Conqueror, 200 years after the Conquest. Schools devoted more time to Latin than to any other subject, in all countries, so that Latin still worked as a common tongue at the universities. English boys who wanted to work in the judicial courts or at the royal court learned French at school. In the Muslim world, of course, schooling was all about Classical Arabic.

Although paper was widespread in the Muslim world, it had not yet caught on in Europe by 1299. Even the very educated and progressive Emperor Frederick II had outlawed the use of paper for legal documents, because it was too easy to erase and change. This is probably why we still like heavy paper we call “parchment” for things like diplomas. But the first paper mill had gone up in Fabriano, Italy in 1270, and the first watermark was used in 1282. By 1350, paper was readily available in Italy but it was still somewhat uncommon in the rest of Europe.

Even so, there were many scribes who made a living copying books on parchment. Universities needed textbooks that were literally books with the text in them, perhaps by Aristotle or Avicenna, with wide margins for students to write lecture notes. Many of our conventions like capital letters, word and line spacing, punctuation, and the use of red ink for special words were developed at that time. And even before 1299, there were booksellers who sold door to door, sometimes to housewives who wanted to read medieval romances in the vernacular language (that’s apparently how Yiddish got its start).

Still, the next two centuries would, of course, see an explosion in paper, printing, and the creation of books in common languages. While the wealthy would still commission hand-painted prayer books, everyone else began to buy much cheaper practical books.

Castles and warfare

By 1299, the Cistercian Order of monks had 500 houses all through Europe. Cistercians tended to build with brick, instead of stone. Under their influence, brick became a dominant building material for houses in Northern Europe. This included the castles built by Teutonic Knights across Germany, Poland, and the Baltic countries they were conquering. Brick castles were actually just as strong as stone ones, and they were less vulnerable to fire if the brick had been kiln-fired to begin with. Similarly, kiln technology made possible tile floors and tiled roofs, which were also less vulnerable to fire in growing cities.

Most castles were built before 1299, but kings and lords continued to build them for the next century. Once gunpowder came into wide use after 1400, castles provided less protection. Then battles were fought in the field, not around the wall. Castles were still built after 1400, but more and more they were just fancy residences that were somewhat resistant to riot or break-in. Glass windows in brick castles were comfortable and beautiful but not effective for truly keeping an army out. Castles after 1299 increasingly had tiled floors, simple bathing rooms, and even carpets. Before 1299, they had plastered walls, tapestries, and fireplaces, but not much else for modern comfort.

Of course, gunpowder changed everything. In 1299, gunpowder was a scientific curiosity or, at most, a party trick. During the 14th century, simple cannons started shooting large rocks at castle walls, and from there, it was a rapid developmental line to large cannons and personal firearms. Knights’ armor from the 14th and 15th centuries is often found in museums because it ceased to be a practical fighting tool, and became instead a rich man’s luxury item. The only part of armor that was useful with firearms was a steel breastplate and helmet, similar to the tactical vests and helmets our soldiers still wear. In 1299, warfare was still very similar to the tactics of the Classical world, but by 100 years later, it was looking more like modern warfare.

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Mamluks vs. Mongols, 1299

By the Third Battle of Homs, when the Mongols defeated the Mamluks after two previous losses at the same place, the stakes had gone down. Eighty years had passed since the Mongols first invaded the Muslim East. Central Asia and the Middle East had returned to their normal state of cross-religious alliances. Some Mongols were Muslims, and while few Crusaders remained in the region, those who did were open to allying with non-Christians.

The Golden and Blue Hordes of Batu Khan’s lineage had converted to Islam and now aligned with the Egyptian Mamluks against their own Mongolian kin. Hulegu’s great-grandson Ghazan had converted to Islam, but he was still at war with the other Muslim Mongols. Being a Muslim didn’t mean he couldn’t ally with Franks or anyone else; it was a matter of one regional power balancing against another. Conflict was no longer about religion, and sometimes it was not even about ethnicity, as you’ll see from the following stories.

When Ghazan’s Mongols allied with Christian Armenians and some remaining Templars and Hospitallers, and won a battle against the Mamluk Egyptians at Homs, near Damascus, in 1299, it was not game-changing. Mongolian cavalry still couldn’t actually hold the region, and soon they retreated to places with more grass. Ghazan’s ambassador joined the Christian knights when they tried to establish a base on Ruad Island, just off Syria’s coast. Ghazan made plans with Pope Boniface VIII for a new Crusade in 1302, but it never materialized. The Mongols just could not operate in the region.

Ghazan’s brother Öljeitu was baptized Christian by his mother, tentatively converted to Buddhism, then became a Muslim like Ghazan. At the same time, as the next Ilkhan, Öljeitu was very friendly with the Pope and wanted to re-establish a Frankish Holy Land. But on the other hand, the old Greek dynasty had finally taken Constantinople back from its Latin Crusade rulers and was trying to rebuild its power. So although Öljeitu was friendly with the Frankish Latin Christians, he married a Byzantine princess, allying with Constantinople against their local Turks—who were Muslims like him.

In China, Kublai Khan’s grandson Temür became Emperor in the new city of Khanbalik, and in 1304, the other lineages of Genghis who had been in rebellion against Kublai decided to accept Temür as Great Khan.  Unified, the Mongols could have organized a new giant expedition as they had done before, but they recognized the geographical limits. It was difficult enough to just go on maintaining what they had. The Great Khans of China became more and more Buddhist and Confucian as they assimilated to their conquest.

Mongolian invasions had come to a point of rest. That’s how it remained until 1370, when Amir Temur (Tamerlane) revived the Mongol invasions. Instead, for the next 70 years, the main story in the region was the growth of a new Turkish dynasty.

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Marco Polo and his Golden Ticket, 1299

We owe the first descriptions of Xanadu and Khanbalik (Beijing) to Marco Polo of Venice, whose book was published in 1299, co-written by Rusticello of Pisa. The book was quickly translated into many languages; the oldest manuscript we have is in Old French. The copies were not controlled by a publisher, but were hand-copied and later printed at will. It first came into English in 1503, but by then it was very well-known (if not always believed) in Italian and French, and it had begun to influence map-making.

Marco was one of the Europeans living at the court of Kublai Khan. He told his story while he was a prisoner of war in Genoa, shortly after he got back to Venice. In 1260, his father and uncle had set off on the Silk Road and eventually came to the Great Khan’s court in China. They were gone for ten years, while Marco grew from 6 to 16. In 1271, Marco joined them. He served Kublai Khan in various official posts while his father and uncle traded and, at times, helped build siege engines.

After 17 years, the Polos and the Khan were both growing old, so they wanted to return to Italy with their wealth before the Khan’s death might throw the Silk Road into anarchy. The Khan reluctantly gave them leave to go as escorts for the princess Kököjin. They traveled by ship, going through the South China Sea and the Indian Ocean. As they feared, Kublai Khan died soon, and their portion of travel through Iran was dangerous. Their protection along the way came from a tablet of gold that stated a death penalty for anyone who did not honor the Khan’s name. This golden ticket was a foot long, and it was still listed among Marco’s possessions when he died in 1324.

There are some questions about Marco’s authenticity, partly because his name is not mentioned in Yuan Dynasty records. Also, his account of China tells less of China than it might; he didn’t talk about the Great Wall or tell much about native Chinese customs. On the other hand, the Yuan Dynasty was not a time when the Wall was important, since the Mongols were some of the invaders it was meant to keep out. Marco’s family apparently learned languages that were spoken along the Silk Road, perhaps even Mongolian, but not Chinese. They mixed with the ruling class, not the farmers, and his reports about Mongolian customs seem accurate.

Marco loved the Chinese city of Hangzhou, which was filled with canals like Venice. He was very impressed with paper currency and the Yuan postal system. He described a system of first, second and third-class mail; first-class mail was the Khan’s own urgent business, carried by relays of riders without stopping. Marco was also very impressed with Kublai’s summer palace, a giant tent made of bamboo and cords, with a hall that seated thousands. That’s what he was describing when he wrote about Xangdu (or Xanadu, as it appeared in English).

Marco saw several natural resources for the first time, too. Europe had coal, but there was no mining until the 15th century. They just found lumps of “sea coal,” a burnable rock, here and there. But China was mining coal for an additional fuel source, and Marco was amazed to see black rocks that burned like wood. He also reported seeing an asbestos-making industry among the Uyghurs; to his surprise, asbestos fabric was cleaned by throwing it into a fire!

Marco’s book’s greatest value to Europe was its geography. On the journey toward Cathay, his family party took the long haul overland across Afghanistan, and eventually across the G0bi Desert. He reported on these places with realistic detail, effectively adding them to European maps. As a Yuan official, he traveled to Karakorum and saw parts of Siberia. These places had been so unknown to Europe that a century before, scholars had literally not known where the Mongols might be coming from, since their maps showed China but nothing beyond it.

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The Ilkhanate Turns to Islam, 1291-5

In 1291, the Mamluks finally captured Acre, the last outpost of the Crusader states. The Christian world didn’t know that they’d never take back any of that land, but in fact, they never would until the British Mandate after World War I.

At the same time, Marco Polo set out from Yuan Dynasty China with a Mongolian princess named Kököjin, conveying her across Asia to Khorasan (Iran), where she was to marry the Ilkhan Arghun. Marco was unknown to Europe at this point; he had been living in Mongol-ruled China since he was about 18. Giving him the task of traveling with the princess was Kublai Khan’s way of allowing him to return home to Italy.

Kublai and Marco had no way to know that after Arghun’s envoys left Khorasan, the Ilkhan died. But it wouldn’t matter; it was understood among the Mongols that the political treaty that this marriage represented would involve whoever the Ilkhan was at the time. During this time of Mongolian civil war, the Ilkhanate wanted stronger ties with Kublai Khan. So when the caravan arrived in Khorasan in 1293, about 3 years after the envoys had sent for a new wife, Kököjin married Arghun’s son Ghazan. Because of her status, she became the principal wife, but it’s possible she was truly the first wife since Ghazan was a young man.

Arghun didn’t die a natural death; he was assassinated by a conspiracy of generals. His son didn’t immediately or easily become the Ilkhan. Between 1291 and 1295, the conspirators put Ghazan’s cousin on the throne so they could rule the Ilkhanate through him. One of the regional governors, an Oirat Mongol who had converted to Islam, rebelled against Arghun, and also against his successors. Ghazan made an alliance with him that included, as one of its terms, his own formal conversion to Islam. This alliance put him firmly in power.

There appears to be a great difference between his relative Berke Khan’s conversion in the 1250s and Ghazan’s in 1295. Berke had been living in a Muslim area and converted as an individual, from the heart. Ghazan, by contrast, converted in a public way for political reasons. It was much more like Kublai Khan’s strategy of adopting Chinese culture as a form of conquest. Ghazan pretty clearly did not convert from the heart. He had been raised as a traditional Mongol, speaking Monglian while riding horses from his earliest years, living in a ger and practicing Tengri shamanism. As a Muslim, he adopted the name Mahmud, but he probably continued carrying out Tengri rituals.

And unlike Berke Khan in Russia, Ghazan Ilkhan continued to encourage free religious practice. He didn’t suppress Shi’ite Muslims in Iran nor put any conversion pressure on the Christian Armenians and Georgians who paid him tribute, and he protected Tibetan Buddhists. His brother succeeded him, and he followed the same practices. However, the Ilkhanate was now officially Muslim, which probably meant that the tax structure began to include Sharia-related taxes.

Nawruz, the Mongolian Muslim who had first helped Ghazan gain power, persecuted Christians, Buddhists and Tengrists in his district. He destroyed temples and churches and forced the jizya tax on non-Muslims. Ghazan called it treason, undid what could be undone, and eventually executed Nawruz. He appointed a Persian Jew, now a Muslim, to be his vizier. This man, Rashid Hamadani, was a medical doctor and poet, as well.

Rashid Hamadani wrote a comprehensive history of the Mongols, in Persian, with a team of assistants at a library and workshop in Tabriz. The book was supposed to help Mongols remember their roots as they became assimilated to Iran, and it was also a propaganda work to help Iranians accept Mongolian rule. As the years passed, the project grew until it was something like a History of Mankind from Adam. We still have some copies of this book, called the Jami al-Tawarikh, and probably some of the facts about Ghazan and his relatives originated in those pages. A few years after he finished the book, Rashid apparently poisoned Ghazan’s brother, who had succeeded him. Rashid went from the height of wealth and influence to an executioner’s block: sic transit gloria mundi.

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Kublai Khan and the Yuan Dynasty, 1271-92

“In Xandu did Cublai Can build a stately Pallace, encompassing sixteen miles of plaine ground with a wall, wherein are fertile Meddowes, pleasant Springs, delightfull streames, and all sorts of beasts of chase and game, and in the middest thereof a sumpuous house of pleasure, which may be moved from place to place.” — Samuel Purchas (1614) paraphrasing Marco Polo (1299).

Kublai, the youngest son of Genghis Khan’s youngest son, nominally ruled the entire Empire, but specifically, he ruled China. Northern China had been conquered in Genghis Khan’s time, but Kublai and his brothers pushed Mongolian rule until it encompassed all of China. As we’ve seen before, Mongolian war tactics couldn’t survive the tropical climate of Southern China, so Kublai had to innovate. He conquered the rest of China by becoming “more Chinese than the Chinese,” according to Jack Weatherford (Genghis Khan and the Making of the Modern World).

The Chinese were consciously proud of their culture, but they had been torn apart by civil war countless times. Kublai made his government appealing by adopting all of the cultural markers of former Imperial courts. He named his new dynasty the Da Yuan (“Great Beginnings”) Dynasty and created a back-dated Chinese history: Chinese names and Imperial portraits for his Mongolian ancestors four generations back (to Genghis’s father Yesugei). They needed an ancestral temple in Chinese style, so he built one.

Kublai began with a palace in Shangdu (Xanadu), but to extend his power, he built the new city of Beijing; he called it Khanbalik and his subjects called it Daidu. He created it as a modern city, somewhat like Karakorum with its right-angle intersections and wide streets. Main streets had to be wide enough for 9 mounted men to ride abreast. Because the streets were straight, guards could see from one city gate to the other. Both of these traffic details would make it easier for a Mongolian army to subdue a rebellious citizenry. Like Karakorum, the new city had specific quarters for Muslim, Christian, and Mongolian nomadic residents.

Here’s the most interesting part: the new city was designed around the open land that Mongols prized most. The Imperial “Forbidden City” apparently began as an enclosed parkland complete with Mongolian tents. Just as Xanadu had a large enclosed forest, Beijing’s inner enclosure had an artificial lake and a small mountain. There was plenty of grazing space for horses and sheep, and the park may have been stocked with wild animals for hunting, too. Mongolian children of Kublai’s officials were born in gers and grew up speaking Mongolian while riding ponies. Mongolian customs were kept alive, including the ones that offended the Chinese.

In Chinese Imperial culture, the knife was a kitchen tool, not a dining utensil. Food came to the table ready to eat, no knife needed. But in Mongolian cooking, big chunks of meat were roasted or boiled, then brought to the eating place—-a white felt rug on the ground—-where the diner used his own knife to cut it up. Inside the Forbidden City, they could wipe their mouths on their sleeves and eat unseasoned legs of mutton. The Chinese subjects were not allowed to watch. In places where the Chinese were permitted, the Mongolian rulers followed Chinese etiquette.

The Forbidden City’s secret culture eventually turned out very important when the Yuan Dynasty was overthrown and the survivors came back to Mongolia as refugees. They were soft and unskilled by Mongolian standards, but at least they knew the language and customs so they could try to fit back in.

Perhaps Kublai’s most brilliant achievement was to reform Chinese law to make it both uniform and compatible with the laws laid down by Genghis. Contrary to what we think of the Mongols’ wild cruelty, Kublai’s laws shifted away from whippings and execution, toward fines and encouraging repentance. His legal code required officials to use logical analysis to figure things out and only resort to torture after other investigative means were exhausted. The Chinese had often tattooed a criminal’s forehead, but the Mongols believed this was too cruel because the forehead was the seat of the soul. They discouraged the practice of tattoos at all, and transitioned the locals instead to a system of placing a billboard in front of a criminal’s house to shame him.

The Chinese had pioneered printing paper money, an innovation that the Mongols enthusiastically adopted and expanded. Yuan Dynasty China floated almost entirely on paper currency. Of course, Genghis Khan’s emphasis on a good postal system continued too, so the Chinese were the first to send paper money to each other, carried by paid riders.

Officials in Kublai’s China were always a mix of ethnicities, the way Genghis Khan had mixed them in his armies. Kublai promoted Muslims from the west, Europeans like Marco Polo, and a quota-based mix of regional Chinese. During the Yuan Dynasty, the rigid Chinese system of mandarin exams was suspended. Instead, Kublai began a system of licensing many professions, ensuring some minimal level of competency. Local governments were also pushed to create councils that operated somewhat like the Mongolian kurultai assemblies. Peasants were organized into administrative groups to solve problems and promote literacy. Kublai’s China even had some basic public schools, about 20,000 of them according to Mongol court records.

Kublai also put on public shows of theater, which had been neglected in previous dynasties. He wanted acrobats, bright colors, and action. At one point, Weatherford reports, he staged an epic retelling of Mongolian history with thousands of actors, going on for days. The Yuan Dynasty became a period of rapid growth in Chinese literature; if there is a Chinese Shakespeare, he lived during the Yuan years.

Effectively, Kublai’s Mongolian-China became the place everyone would want to live. He competed with the old Song Dynasty so effectively that it eroded from within, as its officials, peasants, and regions deserted to serve the Yuan. He always had an army operating in the southern region, picking off towns and winning small battles. In 1276, this Mongol army finally entered the Song capital of Hangzhou. The heir to the Song throne was sent to Tibet (another Mongolian holding) to become a monk.

Kublai did make an attempt to conquer Japan, at last. When he had taken over a unified China as well as Korea, his empire had the ship building power to invade islands. Japan ignored the usual Mongolian demand for surrender, and they even took the tried and true way of executing envoys, always sure to launch an invasion. In 1274, a naval operation set out from Korea and easily conquered Takashima Island, which lies between the mainland and big islands. In a grand battle against samurai knights, the Mongolian-Chinese-Korean force won a huge victory.

However, conquest of the Japanese islands did not follow. The Mongolian forces took ship again that night, probably intending to sail to another port and attack. But a huge storm came up and the entire fleet was destroyed. In 1281, a newly-built fleet tried again, with the same result. The most important lasting effect from Kublai’s invasions seems to be that Japan began to take foreigners more seriously. Its loose government started to turn into the centralized, militarized power that so awed Europeans in the 19th and 20th centuries. Had Kublai never invaded, perhaps Japan would have remained low-key and rural.

Kublai tried one more naval invasion: Indonesia in 1291. In a direct battle, the Mongolian-Chinese-Korean forces killed the king and appeared to win, but they could not parlay this into actual conquest. The Mongolian genius had been for horseback warfare, and while ships looked at first like so many floating horses, they were very different.

During Kublai’s Yuan Dynasty, Chinese culture started to influence the rest of South-east Asia. Until then, its culture had been Hindu or Buddhist, influenced from India (you can see this in Cambodia’s and Bali’s most ancient ruins). Kublai’s government encouraged Chinese migration to what we now call Indo-China. In tribute-paying places like Thailand and Vietnam, Chinese officials probably represented the Yuans, since they had a core competency in bureaucracy and the Mongols were all about borrowing the competencies of other cultures.

Mongolian expansion had reached its maximum territorial limits.

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The Golden Empire of Mali, 1280

The Almohad dynasty had been ruling in Marrakesh and much of Spanish Andalusia for the last century. It wasn’t materially different from the Almoravids before or the Marinids after it; at this point, West and North Africa had settled into a theological and cultural way that didn’t change. In earlier centuries, it had been a volatile area that swung from Sunni to Shi’ite and back, so that it birthed the Fatimid Shi’ite dynasty that built Cairo. But after the Medina-based Maliki theology took root, it stuck.

So the change, in 1269, from the last Almohad Caliph Idris to the first Marinid Caliph Abu Yusuf Yaqub, wasn’t a sea change for the population. It would have had a big effect on the ruling class, who needed to bend the knee to a new set of officials. The seat of government, too, drifted from Marrakech to Fez, where the Marinids built up wealth and power. Fez’s height of intellectual influence was during the 1300s, when the Marinids were at their peak.

During this time, the Empire of Mali also arose. It had been established roughly in 1230, but its power took time to grow. Its conquest of Sosso, a caravan-trade-route kingdom of the 12th century, established it as the new receiver of oasis fees and taxes. The ruler of the Mali Empire was called the Mansa, a Mandinka word for Sultan. They were devout Maliki Muslims, like the Marinids to the north. Mansas went on Hajj to Mecca, traveling through Timbuktu and Egypt. They had friendly relations with the Sunni Mamluks of Cairo.

Mansa Musa Keito, who was born around 1280, was the most famous Mansa of Mali. He was made Regent when the Mansa before him decided to explore the Atlantic Ocean and never came back. In 1312, Musa became Mansa on his own. He was one of the richest men in history, apparently controlling the world market price of gold with his own personal actions (by giving too much, he devalued it, and had to fix this by borrowing a lot of it back). Mali was the leading producer of gold at this time.

Timbuktu’s population began to increase during the Mali Empire period. In the time of Mansa Musa, it probably had 10,000 people living on the edge of the Sahara. (Its odd location seems to have marked the outside limits of the annual Niger River flood.) Its famous mosque made entirely of mud and straw was built during the 14th century, though the one we see now was probably a renewed model built when the population had grown even larger, in the 1500s. Of course, it was a center for Maliki scholarship. In our time, its residents made a huge effort to rescue most of the books and scrolls from the mosque before rebels in Mali’s civil war could burn them.

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Eighth and Ninth Crusades: Return of King Louis, 1270-2

The Mamluk Sultan Baybars had a field day in the Holy Land during the 1260s. War between Venice and Genoa had drawn the remaining Crusader towns into war with each other, exhausting the region one more time. Mamluk forces, which already held Jerusalem, destroyed the cathedral of Nazareth and took Ascalon, Jaffa, Arsuf, Caesarea and Haifa. It was time to call a new Crusade.

The first volunteer was Louis IX, whose religious faith made him truly devoted to the Holy Land cause. He had never stopped trying to guide and support the Crusader states after his family returned to Paris. Now, in 1267, he took the Cross. He was 53 in a time when 60 was a very ripe old age, and his aging process had been sped by past serious illness and austere living. He had nine living children, the eldest now Queen of Navarre, the youngest seven years old. The King of Navarre, son of the leading Barons’ Crusader, also took the Cross. The King of Aragon attempted to join, but storms forced his ships back. The Crown Prince of England, Edward, also planned to join when he could, but he came from a greater distance.

Louis wanted to go straight back to Acre and help win back more cities from the Mamluks, but his brother Charles had become King of Sicily. If Louis went to Sicily, then to Tunis, he could conquer territory that would help Charles and weaken Egypt. It wasn’t a very good plan. Louis may have wished to convert the Muslims of Tunis to Christianity, and he’d already had his fill of Egypt’s obstinacy on that count.

The Pope devoted some of the Church’s income in France and Navarre to funding the royal expeditions, and in July of 1270, the two kings sailed with large fleets to Tunisia, where they camped on the ruins of Carthage. While they waited for the new King of Sicily or the Crown Prince of England to arrive, they call caught dysentery. Jean Tristan, the baby born in Damietta, died, and his father soon after. When the King of Sicily arrived, he negotiated a truce with Baybars. It worked out well for Sicily: trade with Tunis was opened, with a cash payment and Egypt’s promise not to harbor rivals for the Sicilian crown.

Prince Edward of England arrived after all this was over, so he wintered in Sicily but was determined to go on, to Acre, with King Charles of Sicily. This effort became the Ninth Crusade. Meanwhile, Baybars had taken even Antioch, the well-fortified city that had given the First Crusaders so much trouble.  There was not much left of the Latin Holy Land.

The joint force sailed into Acre while Baybars was besieging Tripoli, the last Crusader “state” in existence. The Mamluks backed away from Acre for the time being, allowing the Crusaders to establish a strong camp there. From this camp, Edward and Charles led raids against the Galilee, taking Nazareth in a no-prisoners battle. More men came from England and Cyprus, with Edward’s younger brother. In 1271, the largest Latin force in years was occupying the land, looking about for possible victories to push back Mamluk governance.

One soft target was a group of recent Turkic immigrants who may have come with the Mongols but stayed behind. The Mamluks had given them land and titles, but they did not know the land and could easily be routed by Crusaders. During 1271, Prince Edward sent an embassy to the Ilkhan, Hulegu’s son Abagha. The Ilkhan agreed to an alliance against the Mamluks and sent a new Mongol force of 10,000 horse.

This was good as far as it went, but the Ilkhan was not committed to resettling the land in any way. His cavalry spent one month in the Holy Land and then rode back to Iran with their spoils. When the Mamluks arrived to push them back, they were gone.

Baybars planned one more large attack to get rid of the Christian armies. Disguising some Egyptian ships as Christian, he sent them to Cyprus to make a surprise attack on Limassol. It wasn’t a bad plan, and it would have materially weakened the Christian forces to lose their supply base on Cyprus. However, the Mamluks lost this one.

By now, it was clear to Prince Edward that the biggest obstacle to taking back the Holy Land was that the “native” Christian rulers were too divided. The Jerusalem royals had died out and been diverted into the Hohenstaufen dynasty of Germany, but other smaller families had taken up the power that remained. Hugh III of Cyprus, descended from Hugh of Lusignan, fought continually with the Ibelin family, the last Franks to defend Jerusalem. And it was time for Prince Edward to return home. He negotiated a truce with Baybars, concluding a 10 year truce in 1272.

Before Edward could embark for England, an assassin with a poisoned knife stabbed him. Edward, however, was a strong young man. He killed the assassin and gradually recovered from the toxic wound, staying on Sicily until he regained his strength. By then, his father had died, so the new King Edward returned to England, covered with Crusader glory.

To the people on the scene, it was not obvious that the Crusade was really over. The King of Sicily bought the rights to “King of Jerusalem” from the last survivor of the old family. The last years of the truce were wasted by civil war among factions. Further Crusader energy was squandered on a last attempt to hold onto Constantinople against the Byzantines who were finally winning it back. Can anyone be surprised that in 1291, the city of Acre at last fell to the Mamluks? Even then, small Crusade attempts dribbled along, but no territory was ever won again. In hindsight, Edward’s Ninth Crusade retaking of some towns like Nazareth was the last success the Latin Crusaders would ever see.

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Civil War: Muslim Golden Horde vs. Ilkhanate, 1262

Hulegu the Ilkhan brought his main force back from Mongolia in 1262. He planned to continue the fight with the Mamluks, trying again to extend his frontier, but now his cousin Berke, Khan in Russia, flew into action. He began attacking Hulegu’s northern territories, creating serious enough invasions that Hulegu had to give up advancing toward Egypt. Their northern border was already “disputed” as we say today; both claimed the Caucasus mountains, both tried to tax its trade. Both were sure they were right.

Berke and Hulegu had another serious conflict as their territories developed competing economic interests. When Batu and his brothers had conquered Crimea, Ukraine, and parts of Hungary previously, they had allowed for the Italian colonies on the Black Sea to keep up a slave trade. In this way, the Golden Horde’s territory was providing most of the slave boys that the Mamluks trained as soldiers. Slavs, Kipchak Turks, and Circassians were much taller than the average Mongol or Arab. If Berke didn’t stop the slave trade, Egypt’s army would keep swelling and then the Ilkhan’s western borders could be pushed back. Mamluks might even take back Baghdad. Of course, this was exactly what Berke wanted.

At first, Berke felt very conflicted about fighting against his cousin Hulegu. It was a prime directive of his grandfather that Mongols must not fight each other, and even more, members of the Golden Family must stay united. But once fighting gets started and trade sanctions begin to take their bite, enmity hardens. And things were just as bad back in Karakorum, where both of Hulegu’s surviving brothers vied to be Great Khan. Berke supported one, Hulegu the other. Kublai tried to get both of them to attend a kurultai in the homeland, but neither would attend.

Both Berke and Hulegu soon died. Hulegu was succeeded by his son Abaka who had already been ruling a city in Iran. The throne in Sarai went to Berke’s nephew, Möngke-Timur, grandson of a different brother. After four years of civil war in Mongolia, Kublai Khan became the Great Khan. He imprisoned his brother Arik Boke and purged his supporters.

But Mongolian civil wars continued: the lineage of Ögedei in Transoxiana was led by Kaidu, Ögedei’s great-grandson. He refused to attend Kublai’s kurultai, which was a tacit vote “against” and a declaration of war. Kublai sent a son of the fourth lineage, Chagatai, to replace him, and it was open war. Eventually the two made a peace treaty and began attacking the Ilkhanate’s Persia. Kaidu never made peace with Kublai, though. Their territories were at war for 30 years, and the Mongol Empire was split. The western lands in Sarai and the Ilkhanate governed themselves separately, while Kublai’s family established the Yuan Dynasty in China.

The different Mongolian branches took on the coloration of the regions they governed. Kublai’s family adopted Chinese culture and Confucianism. The Forbidden City in Beijing started as the inner walled zone where Mongols could still live as Mongols and speak Mongolian without their Chinese subjects watching. Whenever they were in public, they spoke Chinese and acted in an assimilated way. The other lineages gradually adopted Islam, since it was the dominant culture in their regions. There were no more unified attacks on the eastern or western kingdoms by descendants of Genghis Khan, although that culture would create one last ravaging invader, Timur, in the next century.

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The Battle of Goliath’s Well: Mamluk vs. Mongol, 1260

Möngke Khan died in 1259. The Mongolian procedure for selecting a new Great Khan was not an automatic succession by Möngke’s son, but a massive family gathering called a kurultai. The kurultai was usually organized with an obvious purpose by one candidate, so voting was done primarily by attending (or not attending). Möngke’s successor would be one of his brothers, so Hulegu had to leave his Ilkhanate to travel to Mongolia and “vote.”

In the year when Möngke died, the Mongolian Empire was enormous. It covered half of China, with Korea and Vietnam as tribute-paying vassals, and all of Siberia and Central Asia, though still excluding most of the subcontinent of India (but including Tibet). Near the end of Möngke’s life, the province of Sindh (modern Pakistan) came under Mongol protection. It ran west through Iran and Iraq, including half of Syria and most of Turkey. It covered all of Russia and Ukraine, with an arm sticking into Poland and Hungary. The three obvious next fronts were the remainder of southern China ruled by the Song Dynasty, India, and the rest of the Holy Land as a gateway to Egypt and North Africa.

Hulegu began to push past Baghdad and into the remaining areas of Syria not yet under Mongol rule. As at Baghdad, the forces included representatives of Christian Antioch, Armenia, and Georgia. In 1260, they entered Aleppo and Damascus, and the Christians held a Mass in the great mosque. Envoys had already been sent to Cairo with the usual message of submission or destruction when Hulegu left for the kurultai. It wasn’t clear if he’d ever come back, or if he’d stay on in Karakorum as Great Khan.

Only two Mongol tumens (units of 10,000), or perhaps less, had been left in Syria under a Nestorian Christian general. In 1980, a scholar looking in the National Library archives at Vienna found a 13th century manuscript that appears to preserve a letter that Hulegu sent to King Louis IX. This letter suggests that Hulegu took most of his army back to Mongolia not just for the kurultai, but because they were again bumping up against the limits of geography. Mongols were all mounted cavalry, so grasslands were absolutely necessary. In Iraq and Syria, their horses quickly over-grazed. So Hulegu may have been intentionally leaving behind the largest force he thought likely to be sustainable in the desert climate.

When the Mamluk Sultan Qutuz heard that Hulegu had personally left the scene with so many men, the time seemed right to make a really significant effort to stop the Mongol advance. A very large Mamluk force left Egypt to challenge this smaller Mongol force somewhere in the Holy Land.

The other Mamluk general was Baybars, who had been born in or near Crimea. He was a Kipchak Turk; his name means “Great Panther” (pars = panther/leopard in Persian). Baybars had been a bodyguard to the last powerful Ayyubid Sultan, and a commanding general at the Battle of La Forbie in Gaza, as well as at al-Mansurah when the Templars were trapped and slaughtered in the town. Baybars was in the inner circle of revolutionary Mamluk leaders.

Qutuz and Baybars split their forces; Qutuz’s larger force stayed in mountainous areas where it was hard for the Mongol scouts to spot them, while Baybars marched openly. The Mongols had been camped in Lebanon but were moving southward in August as the hot rainless summer came to an end. Both armies put out feelers to the small Crusader contingent at Acre, seeking alliance. The Crusaders remained neutral but allowed the Mamluks to march and camp in territory they controlled.

The armies met at the spring/oasis town of Ayn Jalut, which means the Well of Goliath in Arabic. It’s fanciful to imagine that the battle was actually fought on the same plain where David used a sling to bring down the Philistine giant, but the Philistines were a coastal and southern people, and this place was inland and well north of Jerusalem.

The Mongol general made an unforced error in the battle, one that’s surprising for someone who may have fought with Genghis Khan himself. Baybars put on a staged retreat that would lead pursuers straight to the main Mamluk forces under Qutuz, and they fell for the trick. The same trick they had used time and again! Chasing means winning, right? Perhaps they had gotten used to the tactics of the west and never considered that their own tactical strategy might be used against them.

Even then, the Mamluks had a hard fight on their hands. Surrounded, the Mongols and their vassal knights fought ferociously. Muslim troops that began as part of their forces may have defected to the Mamluks during the battle. In the end, the Mamluks won and the Mongol army was destroyed. There was no easy retreat to safety, so stragglers and escapees could be hunted down.

Qutuz and Baybars returned to Cairo as joint conquerors, but Qutuz did not arrive home. They were rivals in the Mamluk inner circle, and Baybars chose this moment of vulnerability to murder Qutuz. Baybars entered the city as the sole conqueror of the great Mongol Army and became the Sultan. His line of descendants was more successful than other Mamluk lines at hanging onto power in this very fluid “survival of the fittest” regime.

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The Destruction of Baghdad, 1258

The last Caliph of Baghdad ascended to his throne in 1242. The position had been powerless for a long time during the Turkish migrations, ruling in name while the cities were virtually independent, but then a series of energetic Caliphs had begun to assert military might in the region. Caliph al-Mutasim allied with the Nizaris before their fall; he had traveled to Güyük Khan’s crowning and tried to ally with both Mongols and Christians against each other, but neither attempt worked. Al-Mutasim is also remembered for his consternation when, during Egypt’s Mamluk Revolution, the widow Shajar el-Durr became Sultan. He is remembered for asking, “Has Egypt run out of men? We can send them some.”

Hulegu Khan had checked off two of his major tasks by 1257: the Lur people of western Iran were easily conquered, and Alamut had surrendered more easily than expected. West of Baghdad, several of the cities had proactively surrendered, so the Ilkhan’s army already had units from Georgia, Armenia, Antioch, Aleppo, and Mosul. Hulegu sent a Mongol embassy to Baghdad demanding submission and tribute. In one of history’s great acts of folly, Caliph al-Mutasim refused.

The Caliph was following his vizier’s advice. The vizier said that the Mongol army was smaller than it really was and assured him of assistance from other Muslim rulers which, in fact, they could not send. They may have been obligated by old treaties, but the realities had changed. Egypt’s Mamluk government might have helped, but they were not willing to extend themselves for a man who had mocked them. Was the vizier’s bad advice intentional treason or incompetence? Judging the past by the present, incompetence and rigidity of thought seem most likely. We’re always fighting the last war, just like Foolish Hans.

The siege began at the start of 1258. Baghdad was ill-prepared. The Caliph believed he had 50,000 fighting men at his disposal, but it turned out to be only 20,000 and not as disciplined or armed as he had thought. After the Mongols were camped on both sides of the Tigris River (a bad sign), the Caliph ordered a sortie to break up the encampment before it could harden into a siege. This went badly.

Moreover, the Mongols had learned a lot about cities by now. First lesson was to delegate strategy and engineering to those with long urban experience. Hulegu’s artillery was commanded by a Han Chinese who came from a many-generational military family. General Guo Kan had sappers attacking the river’s dike system; they opened a flood of river water, cutting off the city’s cavalry retreat. The Caliph and then some leading citizens,began begging to surrender, but Mongols did not reward those who asked too late.

Guo Kan supervised the formal siege of the city. They dug ditches and built a palisade, as had become Mongol practice. Chinese siege engines rolled up behind the palisade and began the bombardment. It took only about ten days for the city to be fully in Mongol hands. Then the city was systematically destroyed.

Effectively all of Baghdad’s population was put to the sword. Nobody is sure how many that was; a low estimate is about 100,000, since the city was not at his peak by 1258. They say Hulegu moved his camp upwind so they wouldn’t have to smell the decaying bodies. But one small sector of the population was apparently spared, the community of Nestorian Christians. Hulegu had a Christian wife, Dokuz Khatun (“Princess Nine”), traveling with him, and she personally interceded.

The Caliph was executed in the way that the Mongols believed proper for royal blood: rolled into a carpet and trampled by horses. This way, no blood reached the Earth to offend it. (Marco Polo heard a different story years later: that the Caliph was locked into a treasure room to starve on the gold he had refused to spend for his city’s defense.) One of his sons went to Karakorum as a hostage, while the others were executed.

The city was carefully looted; it yielded riches like those found in Genghis Khan’s time. When it was empty, historic buildings were burnt and torn down. The city walls and towers were dismantled, the irrigation canals blocked and filled. The loss that really kills the modern heart was the way the Mongols treated the library. The unoffending books were carted out and dumped in the Tigris River, which was already choking with blood and corpses. They say the water turned black as the ink dissolved in a million ancient manuscripts.

What’s surprising about this decision is that Hulegu and his brothers had been educated by a Persian scholar. They were literate and they also spoke at least two or three languages. Their grandfather had set an example of taking scholars back to Karakorum, rather than killing them. Perhaps Hulegu disdained the history of other nations, valuing only the oral histories told by Mongol singers. To us, the Baghdad collection of books was equally valuable as the Alexandrian library. (People often assume that early Muslim invaders burnt the library, but it may have just burned down in the ordinary way.) Alexandria probably had original copies of Aristotle’s books, Greek plays and poems now utterly lost, and irreplaceable Egyptian historical records. Baghdad had books in Sanskrit and perhaps other Indian languages, brought back by the first Muslim conquerors. What price could we put on the original manuscripts for the invention of digit-based mathematics?

When the city was utterly leveled, Hulegu ordered it to be rebuilt. He wanted a trading town in that place, he just didn’t want it to be the fabled Round City, capital of Islam. Symbolically, the Caliphate of Islam was dead and would never rise.

Hulegu had fulfilled the mandate laid on him by Möngke Khan and now the attention of Karakorum would turn to pushing the boundaries of their Chinese empire farther, under Kublai. But there was one glaring problem that Möngke had not foreseen. Their cousin Berke, Batu’s brother, began to rule in Sarai, Russia in 1257 after Batu died. The sons of Tolui (Möngke, Hulegu, Ariq Boke, Kublai) had always gotten along well with the sons of Jochi (Batu, Berke, Orda). But Berke had become a Muslim.

Batu’s Golden Horde had built Sarai in Russia and another Sarai, “Little Sarai,” eastward in Kazakhstan. Before Batu’s death, Berke was the ruler in Little Sarai, where most of the trade traffic was among Muslim cities like Bokhara and Samarkand. As he conversed with Muslim traders, he had experienced a sincere conversion.

This change of heart in Berke was so strong that it threatened his Mongolian identity. The generation he belonged to had a split identity between Nestorian Christianity and Buddhism. Möngke formally became a Buddhist before his death, but always encouraged pluralism of faith as his grandfather had done. Berke was the first prominent Mongolian convert to Islam, and you might think that he’d continue to be pluralistic since it was such a big part of his culture. You’d be wrong. In later Mongol conversions, too, putting on Islam meant putting off tolerance and pluralism.

Berke, now Khan at the main Russian Sarai, was as outraged as any imam at the destruction of his new faith’s holy city. He never forgave Möngke and Hulegu, and he swore revenge. He intended to declare his Golden Horde for Islam and join Mamluk Egypt against his cousins. However, Möngke Khan’s power was too strong at this time for him to take action. Berke brooded and waited.

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